Somaliland Faces a Coordinated Misinformation Assault: Evidence of Foreign Influence Campaigns Emerges. 

The daily churn of online debate in Somaliland has begun to reveal something far more consequential than the fleeting noise of social media.

What once looked like ordinary digital conversation has hardened into a battlefield where no armies appear and no shots are fired, yet the damage reaches deeper than any conventional conflict.

Somaliland, like many small and transitional democracies, now sits squarely in the sights of a relentless information war—one designed to fracture trust, poison public discourse, and destabilize political gains at a moment when the country is making unprecedented diplomatic strides.

Under President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro, Somaliland has entered a rare period of international visibility, engaging with Djibouti, Kenya, the UAE, Qatar, and other regional partners in ways that strengthen its claim to recognition.

But progress has also made Somaliland a target. External actors—state-aligned, interest-driven, or opportunistic—have exploited digital platforms to push misinformation, inflame internal tensions, and project the illusion of widespread dissent.

The aim is to create psychological disruption before political disruption: to weaken a rising state by attacking its confidence from within.

A central element of this campaign is the weaponization of diaspora voices. A segment of Somalilanders living in Europe and North America have used geographic distance as a shield, spreading radical rhetoric, financing local unrest, and fueling clan-based hostility with an intensity rarely seen among those who actually live inside Somaliland.

Germany’s investigation into Somali influencers active during the Las Anod conflict—involving individuals who openly boasted about militia activity despite holding no valid asylum status—revealed a deeper security gap.

These actors not only import their conflicts into host countries, but they export new waves of grievance back home, often with devastating effect.

Such influence operations are neither spontaneous nor unique to Somaliland. A 2018 RAND Corporation study analyzing more than 22 million tweets exposed how foreign propaganda networks impersonate local identities to manipulate national conversations.

These networks mimic dialects, humor, and social norms to project manufactured sentiments as if they were authentic public opinion.

For years, versions of this tactic circulated widely in Somaliland’s digital sphere. Accounts posing as locals—writing in colloquial Somali, referencing local grievances—were later revealed through platform geolocation tools to be operating thousands of miles away.

The revelation was less a surprise than a confirmation of what many suspected: a coordinated effort to simulate internal division where none existed.

The objective of such campaigns is rarely to persuade people of a specific lie. It is to erode the very idea of truth. Once the public distrusts all narratives—official, journalistic, or grassroots—the battlefield is won. And in a region shaped by fragile institutions and clan-based political dynamics, the consequences of that fog are immediate and dangerous.

Somaliland’s adversaries have adapted their operations to the country’s changing geopolitical environment. As President Irro accelerates diplomatic outreach, the disinformation directed at him has intensified.

stories, manipulated videos, and coordinated misinformation echo across social platforms moments after major foreign policy announcements. Reliable sources indicate these attacks are not isolated but synchronized by anti-Somaliland factions seeking to undercut the country’s growing legitimacy.

Countering this offensive requires a strategy that extends beyond policing rumors. The government must formally alert host nations to the activities of diaspora actors who use Western legal protections to direct instability back home.

There is precedent: European states—Germany in particular—have begun scrutinizing communities whose online incitement has real-world consequences. Somaliland’s diplomatic corps can and should press for accountability.

At home, the Ministry of Information must confront the foundational weakness that makes these campaigns effective: a population that has never been structurally trained to interrogate what it sees online.

Media literacy is no longer an optional reform; it is a national security imperative. A core curriculum that teaches young people how to assess sources, identify manipulation, and understand algorithmic amplification would do more to defend the country than any reactive press conference.

Public institutions must also communicate faster and more transparently, giving citizens timely, factual information before manufactured narratives fill the void.

Somaliland has not been alone in confronting this landscape. Saudi Arabia, among others, has shown how sustained awareness campaigns and improved verification tools can help societies differentiate real sentiment from engineered outrage.

But Somaliland’s resilience will ultimately depend on individual vigilance—the ability of citizens to pause, question, and examine before sharing the content that adversaries rely on to inflame division.

The digital conflict facing Somaliland is a psychological one: a war against trust, identity, and the fragile sense of shared belonging that sustains any nation.

Its weapons are cheap, its operatives invisible, and its impact profound. Yet its greatest vulnerability remains the informed citizen. No technology—no matter how sophisticated—can substitute for a society that refuses to be manipulated.

Countering the Threat: Hostile Information Campaigns Against Somaliland

Somaliland’s Information War Is a Threat to National Security

How Misinformation Is Threatening Somaliland’s Stability

DELAY = DISASTER: How Postponing 2026 Elections Could Destroy Somaliland’s Recognition Dream.

Somaliland’s political institutions face a pivotal test as disputes over voter registration and election timetables threaten to derail the country’s May 2026 presidential elections — a development that could significantly weaken Somaliland’s international credibility and complicate its long-standing bid for recognition.

The current standoff centers on opposition demands for a full voter re-registration process, a costly undertaking estimated at roughly $15 million. The National Electoral Commission (NEC), however, has proposed a $7 million update of the existing voter roll, arguing that a complete overhaul is unnecessary and would almost certainly force a delay of the 2026 vote.

At stake is far more than administrative procedure. Somaliland’s reputation as a stable, democratic outlier in the Horn of Africa has long been the backbone of its diplomatic outreach. Western partners often cite the country’s commitment to regular elections and institutional resilience as core components of its case for statehood.

A timely election would reinforce that narrative, demonstrating that political institutions — particularly the NEC — are capable of resisting partisan pressure and managing electoral disputes without external intervention.

A delay, however, would carry significant political and diplomatic costs, raising questions about institutional independence and reviving concerns about constitutional uncertainty that have shadowed previous election cycles.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro has made an on-time election a pillar of his administration, publicly pledging to support the NEC’s preparations. A successful May 2026 vote, would mark an early constitutional victory for the new president, bolstering both his political mandate and Somaliland’s international positioning.

But if the government is compelled to accept a full re-registration — a process that requires major financial resources and extended timelines — the setback would be significant.

It would not only undercut the president’s central promise but also strain public finances already committed to drought response, security operations, and other urgent national priorities.

The dispute also carries internal political implications. A prolonged delay could benefit opposition parties by offering more time for internal restructuring, realignment of factions, and consolidation of leadership positions.

At the same time, it risks undermining the aspirations of parliamentary and local candidates who depend on electoral certainty — turning what is envisioned as a national democratic process into a partisan contest over timing.

Beyond politics, the financial cost of a full re-registration poses its own challenge. The NEC’s streamlined update process is significantly cheaper, while the more expansive option sought by the opposition represents an additional $8 million in expenditure at a time when government revenues remain constrained.

Critics say the insistence on the higher-cost option appears designed to exert pressure on the administration rather than to address genuine electoral concerns.

Ultimately, the credibility of the 2026 elections — and the degree to which Somaliland’s institutions are perceived as resilient — will shape international engagement long after the vote.

Diplomatic partners have routinely emphasized that Somaliland’s democratic track record remains central to their willingness to deepen cooperation.

If elections proceed on time, Somaliland stands to strengthen its claim to recognition and reinforce its image as a stable and self-governing democracy. If they do not, analysts warn that the delay may erode hard-earned diplomatic capital and slow the momentum that Somaliland has built in recent years.

Somaliland President Irro Pledges On-Time Elections, Ensures NEC Support

Election Delay Plot Exposed: Opposition Exploits Voter Registration to Mask Internal Weakness

Western Diplomats Applaud Somaliland’s Elections, Urge Candidates to Respect Results

Brenthurst Foundation Observes “Free, Fair, and Credible” Somaliland Elections Amidst Challenges

President Irro’s journey to Erigavo marks a turning point for Somaliland—and a potential model for a continent desperate for peace.

In Somaliland, President Abdirahman Irro’s daring peace mission to Erigavo blends diplomacy, tradition, and moral authority. His “Irro Doctrine” could redefine how Africa resolves its own conflicts.

HARGEISA, SOMALILAND — When President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro) stepped onto the tarmac in Erigavo draped in a white peace sheet, it was more than symbolism—it was a declaration. Behind him stood Grand Sultans and Garads, robed in matching white.

Ahead lay Erigavo, a city scarred by clan clashes yet brimming with the possibility of reconciliation.

This was no ordinary political tour. It was a pilgrimage for peace—an audacious act by a leader betting his young presidency on the one currency Somaliland has long mastered: stability.

A Homegrown Model for Peace

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro)

Somaliland’s survival story is an anomaly in African politics. While much of Somalia splintered into factional chaos after 1991, this unrecognized republic built order from the ruins—anchored not in foreign aid or international mediation, but in Guurti-led reconciliation and the indigenous code of Xeer.

Irro’s Erigavo Peace Initiative revives that founding logic. It marries statecraft with cultural legitimacy—bringing together elders, sultans, and political leaders in a process no foreign envoy could replicate.

“Our President’s key policy is to bring all Somaliland citizens together—healing divisions and strengthening our nation,” said Minister Khadar Hussein Abdi. “The world has much to learn from Somaliland’s unique path to peace.”

Crisis into Mandate

The peace mission comes after months of violent flare-ups in Sanaag, where over 45,000 families fled their homes amid militia clashes. Rather than deploy overwhelming force, Irro has chosen to nationalize the militias through security integration while simultaneously launching a grassroots reconciliation campaign—a dual strategy blending authority and empathy.

A former diplomat and Somaliland’s longest-serving parliamentary speaker, Irro brings a distinct pedigree to the crisis: a Cold War-trained statesman who believes stability is built from within.

His diplomatic outreach—to Kenya, the UAE, and Ethiopia—underscores a vision of Somaliland not as an isolated enclave, but as a regional stabilizer in a volatile Horn of Africa.

The Irro Doctrine

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro)

What’s emerging in Somaliland is more than a peace process—it’s a political philosophy. The “Irro Doctrine” rests on three pillars:

• Local ownership over foreign mediation;

• Cultural integration of elders and customary law into modern governance;

• Sacrificial leadership, where a president walks among his people not as a ruler, but as a reconciler.

This approach contrasts sharply with the externalized peace models dominating African diplomacy—from Sudan’s fractured truces to Congo’s endless summits. The difference lies in legitimacy. Irro’s authority stems from tradition, not treaties.

A Lesson for Africa

If the Erigavo conference delivers what it promises—an end to displacement, disarmament of militias, and genuine local reconciliation—Somaliland will not just secure its internal peace.

It will offer Africa a rare template: an indigenous, non-militarized approach to post-conflict nation-building.

For a continent weary of imported solutions and failed transitions, Irro’s white robes may come to symbolize something larger—a return to moral leadership grounded in heritage and humility.

The man in white is not just seeking peace for Sanaag. He is quietly reminding Africa that its salvation may lie not in the corridors of international diplomacy, but in the ancestral courtyards where its people first learned to make peace.

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Somaliland’s Call for Dialogue in Sool and Sanaag Conflicts

Somaliland Moves to End Conflict in Erigavo: Peace, Nationalization, and Unity for a Stable Future

Erigavo: Somaliland’s Peace Initiative

SSC-Khatumo Declares War for Erigavo Amid Geopolitical Shifts Undermining Somaliland

Tensions Boil Over in Somaliland’s Sanag Region: Erigavo at the Brink of Full-Scale Conflict

Somalia’s Shadow War in Erigavo: Is Hassan Sheikh Mohamud Fueling Conflict?

Somaliland Locks Down Erigavo Amid Clan Power Struggle

From Conflict to Control: Civilian Disarmament Completed in the East

Heroes of the Nation: VP + General: One Nation, One Army — Somaliland Stands United

Somaliland’s Council of Ministers Convenes to Fortify National Development and Security

Somaliland Advances Nationalization of Civilian Army Amid Internal Challenges

SSC Khatumo Calls for Offensive, Somaliland Faces Backlash Over Militia Nationalization

Lower electricity bills, new schools, modern hospitals—inside the president’s drive to build a stronger, fairer republic.

It is a rare thing in politics to watch campaign promises so swiftly transformed into tangible projects. In Somaliland, President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) has, in less than a month, shown that leadership can mean more than speeches and symbolism. It can mean water running in new pipes, oxygen flowing into hospital wards, and classrooms filled with the next generation of Somaliland’s thinkers and leaders.

In Boorama, Gabiley, Hargeisa, Berbera, Oodweyne, and Burco, the past three weeks have felt like a cascade of change. Where citizens once carried water in jerrycans for miles, new wells and dams promise relief. Where hospitals once rationed critical supplies, modern oxygen generators now stand ready. And where students once dreamed of opportunity, graduation ceremonies at Amoud and Tima’ade universities have become celebrations of both personal and national progress.

Irro calls this governing philosophy Wadajir iyo Waxqabad—Unity and Action. The phrase is more than a political slogan; it is a strategic blueprint. Unity, in this context, means ensuring development is not hoarded by the capital but shared by every region. Action means delivering services not on paper but in bricks, pipes, wires, and working machinery.

The approach is deliberately decentralizing. By investing directly in local infrastructure—water plants in Gabiley, stadiums in Oodweyne, research centers in Daad-Madheedh—the administration is weaving together Somaliland’s diverse regions into a stronger, more cohesive whole. The signal is unmistakable: prosperity must be national, not regional; development must be felt by farmers in Wajaale as much as by traders in Berbera.

Nowhere is the ambition clearer than in water. From the Kalqoray Dam in Hargeisa to the Berbera Water Expansion Project and the desalination initiative in Gabiley, the government is attacking the scarcity problem at its root. Clean, reliable water is not just a social good; it is a foundation for health, agriculture, and economic growth. In a region where climate change has turned scarcity into crisis, Somaliland is quietly rewriting the narrative.

The same is true in healthcare. With new oxygen facilities in Gabiley and Boorama, and a specialty hospital under construction in Burco, Irro’s government is not simply patching holes—it is modernizing an entire system. Education, too, is receiving structural investment: land for Amoud University in Hargeisa, an Agricultural Research Center at Tima’ade, and seven new schools laid down in Daad-Madheedh. These are not the gestures of an administration content with managing decline. They are the scaffolding of a state preparing to endure.

Infrastructure and economics remain the other half of the equation. Roads and ports—Lughaya, Boorama Airport, the Boorama-Lawyacaddo corridor—are the arteries of Somaliland’s economic future. Reducing electricity prices in Berbera, Boorama, Gabiley, and Burco signals a government willing to use policy levers to ease daily burdens and stimulate growth. Even sports, often dismissed as non-essential, are treated here as instruments of nation-building: stadiums that will give young people pride, structure, and a sense of belonging.

The cumulative effect is striking. In place of distant promises, Somalilandis are seeing progress in their neighborhoods, their schools, their hospitals. For a country whose democratic experiment has long drawn praise abroad but frustration at home, Irro’s early months suggest a recalibration: democracy that delivers.

It is still early days, of course. Challenges remain—finances are tight, regional pressures are constant, and global recognition remains elusive. But if the measure of a presidency lies in whether people’s lives are visibly improved, then Somaliland has, at last, a leader who seems determined to ensure the state serves its people in ways both practical and profound.

The historian’s test is always whether leaders leave behind symbols or systems. President Irro appears intent on building the latter. And that may be the legacy Somaliland needs most.

Trump, Somaliland, and America’s Next Strategic Opportunity.

By nominating Donald J. Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, Somaliland’s President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) did more than flatter a global figure. He put forward a challenge: will the United States finally recognize a democracy that has proven its stability in one of the world’s most fragile regions?

For more than three decades, Somaliland has charted its own course—building democratic institutions, holding regular elections, maintaining internal security, and fostering economic growth. It has done this without the benefit of international recognition, even as it has consistently demonstrated the very values that Washington claims to prize: democracy, rule of law, and counterterrorism partnership.

President Trump’s record suggests he could be the one to break this deadlock. His foreign policy has always been less about process and more about outcomes. In Asia, the Middle East, and beyond, he has shown a willingness to engage unconventionally where traditional diplomacy failed. Somaliland sees in this style not just boldness but an opportunity: the chance for their long quest for recognition to be met with decisive U.S. action.

For Washington, recognition of Somaliland is not an act of charity—it is a strategic investment. The Horn of Africa is increasingly a theater of great-power competition. China has entrenched itself in Djibouti with its only overseas military base. Russia has been probing for port access in the Red Sea. Instability in Somalia continues to provide oxygen to al-Shabaab, a terrorist network with transnational reach. In this volatile mix, Somaliland stands out as a natural U.S. partner: secure, democratic, and eager for closer ties with the West.

Recognition would give the United States a reliable foothold in a strategic corridor linking the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Indian Ocean. It would strengthen America’s hand in counterterrorism cooperation, maritime security, and regional diplomacy. And it would send a powerful message: that democracy and resilience will be rewarded, not ignored.

Critics will argue that recognition risks destabilizing Somalia. Yet Somalia has been destabilized not by Somaliland’s independence, but by its own governance failures: a cycle of clan-based politics, corruption, and insurgency that has consumed international aid for decades with little to show. Somaliland’s success is not the cause of Mogadishu’s weakness—it is the counterexample.

President Irro’s nomination of Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize is therefore more than symbolic. It is a signal of trust in a leader who has built his political brand on challenging orthodoxy.

Trump has already positioned himself as a “peacemaker president,” promising to end protracted conflicts abroad. Here is an opportunity to do just that: recognize a democracy that has delivered peace for its own people, and in doing so, advance America’s security and strategic interests.

Somalilanders have waited patiently for 33 years. They are not asking the United States to build their democracy—they already did that themselves. What they are asking is recognition of reality: a stable, democratic partner in a region where the U.S. needs reliable allies more than ever.

President Trump could be the one to deliver it. And if he does, it would not only justify Somaliland’s faith in him but also remind the world that American leadership, when bold, can still reshape the map in favor of freedom and stability.

An Unseen Crisis: The Dangers of Fake Medicine in Somaliland.

A recent police bust in Hargeisa didn’t just uncover a racket—it exposed a system. When officers arrested four Yemeni nationals allegedly repackaging expired drugs and doctoring expiry dates, they seized about $9,000 worth of products and cartons imported from China designed to make old medicines look new. If that sounds small, it’s because it’s the tip of a much larger iceberg.

The February 18 operation showed how easy it is to recycle expired drugs back into the market. The method is simple and deadly: repackage, relabel, and resell. People buy what they believe are safe medicines; instead, they take products that may be ineffective at best and lethal at worst.

The gaps don’t end at one warehouse. Weak oversight has allowed unqualified operators to open “clinics,” sell drugs, and even obtain fake medical certificates in minutes. Diagnosis is often guesswork; prescriptions can be profit-driven. As one source put it, some centers behave “like drug dealers,” keeping customers dependent rather than getting them well. It’s no surprise many patients now travel to Ethiopia or India for care they trust.

Consider Sado Mohamud from northern Hargeisa. She’d managed high blood pressure for years. After a new prescription from an unqualified provider, she suffered a stroke the next day. Her family complained; the clinic said the staffer was fired. Dozens of women nearby have reported similar outcomes—illness, coma, even death—shortly after taking medicines from rogue clinics. Behind every “case” is a family absorbing the loss.

Somaliland relies almost entirely on imported drugs. Without a strong screening and quality-control system, counterfeit and substandard products slip through. The well-off can source trusted medicines from abroad; most people can’t. That leaves the majority exposed to a market where the incentives favor volume over safety.

The wider picture: counterfeits kill

This isn’t a niche problem. Globally, estimates suggest up to a quarter of all drugs sold are fake—and in parts of Africa and Asia the share can exceed 50%. Counterfeits range from pills with no active ingredient (which fail to treat illness and fuel antibiotic resistance) to products cut with toxic substances. Past scandals—like fake versions of the cancer drug bevacizumab containing starch and salt, or a heparin contamination linked to dozens of deaths—show how quickly bad medicine becomes a mass-casualty event. Uncertain dosage and tainted injectables add infection, organ damage, and paralysis to the list of risks. The through-line is simple: counterfeits can kill and they destroy trust in the health system.

What must happen now

Somaliland doesn’t need to reinvent the wheel; it needs to enforce it.

• Emergency market sweep: Conduct immediate inspections of pharmacies, depots, and clinics; seize and destroy suspect stock.

• Licensing and closure powers: Freeze new licenses, audit existing ones, and shutter noncompliant outlets. Tie dispensing rights to verified credentials.

• Border and import controls: Require batch-level documentation, random lab testing on arrival, and serialisation/barcoding to track products.

• Criminal accountability: Fast-track prosecutions for relabeling, repackaging, or selling expired and fake drugs. Publicly name offenders to deter copycats.

• Whistleblower protection and hotlines: Make it safe—and worthwhile—for insiders and patients to report bad actors.

• Clinical guidance and audits: Issue clear prescribing rules, audit high-risk prescribers, and retrain or remove unqualified staff.

• Public awareness: Run simple campaigns—how to check a package, verify an expiry date, and avoid red flags.

• Regional cooperation: Work with Ethiopia and other neighbors on shared watchlists and cross-border intel.

• Independent quality testing: Stand up (or partner for) a basic medicines quality lab and publish results.

Accountability matters

Since the Hargeisa arrests, authorities haven’t provided a public update on charges, convictions, or broader reforms. Silence breeds impunity. Regular briefings—what was seized, who was charged, what changed—are as important as raids. People need proof the system protects them, not the profiteers.

Somaliland has built a reputation for stability against the odds. That credibility is now on the line in pharmacies and clinic back rooms. Crack down hard, communicate clearly, and make safe medicine the rule—not the exception. Lives depend on it.

Somaliland’s Crackdown: Yemeni Nationals Arrested for Repackaging Expired Medicine

Irro’s government decries Mogadishu’s incursions in Sool, vows decisive defense after years of failed dialogue.

For more than three decades, Somaliland has stood as a rare beacon of stability in the fractious Horn of Africa. After peacefully restoring its 1960 borders in 1991, it built democratic institutions, free elections, and a security apparatus that has kept militant groups at bay. Yet today, this peaceful republic grapples with a new—and deeply troubling—threat: a covert war waged by Somalia’s federal government and its proxies within Somaliland’s eastern regions.

As international partners remain conspicuously mute, Somaliland must ask a hard question: when does peace become surrender?

Since late 2023, Lasanod—the commercial hub of Sool region—fell to a coalition of militants linked to Somalia’s army. Under the banner of “SSC-Khaatumo,” these militants have sought to establish a rival administration inside Somaliland’s borders. Federal troops, arms shipments, and international aid intended for Somalia’s reconstruction have instead fueled this incursion, leaving ordinary Somalilanders displaced and under occupation.

This is not a border dispute between neighboring states, but an existential assault on a peaceful nation’s very right to self-determination.

Somaliland’s government, led by President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro), has exhausted every peaceful channel. Clan-based reconciliation committees, mediated talks, and appeals to the African Union and United Nations have yielded only platitudes—and in some cases, tacit endorsement of Somalia’s “one-nation” doctrine.

Meanwhile, Mogadishu’s leaders exploit Somaliland’s goodwill, weaponizing international assistance to finance armed destabilization. Such duplicity shatters the principle that development aid must never underwrite aggression.

Western capitals have also contributed to this tragedy of neglect. The United Kingdom—Somaliland’s former colonial power and current penholder for Somalia at the UN—continues to adhere to the outdated “One Somalia” policy, sidelining a 5.5-million-strong population that has earned its peace through sacrifice.

The United States, once a vocal advocate for Somaliland’s democratic gains, now worries more about maintaining appearances at UN General Assembly sessions than confronting Mogadishu’s war machine. Gulf partners, who invested heavily in Berbera’s port and have championed Somaliland’s stability, have yet to translate that confidence into a robust diplomatic rebuke of Somalia’s incursions.

This silence carries consequences. By refusing to recognize Somaliland’s sovereignty, the international community denies the republic’s right to defend its territory. Worse, it sends a perverse signal to fragile federal systems elsewhere: aggression against peaceful neighbor-states will be met with nothing more than gentle reminders to “respect the sovereignty of borders.”

Yet Somaliland’s leaders remain committed to peace—right up to the threshold of armed defense.

In the emergency Council communiqué of 2 August 2025, ministers reaffirmed their “principled commitment to peaceful engagement,” even as they declared any further external interference “will be met with firm, proportionate, and lawful resistance.”

These are not idle words. With a constitution that enshrines the right to self-defense and a populace ready to guard their hard-won democracy, Somaliland stands prepared to counter aggression on land, in the courts, and in diplomatic arenas.

What’s needed now is international resolve. The UN Security Council must condition any easing of Somalia’s arms embargo on verifiable assurances that weapons will not be diverted against Somaliland.

The African Union should activate its 2005 fact-finding mission’s recommendation to recognize Somaliland’s unique path to statehood, rather than fear a “Pandora’s box” of secession. Western governments must recalibrate policies that privilege a collapsing Mogadishu over a functioning, democratic partner in Hargeisa.

Somaliland is not bluffing when it warns that continued inaction risks regional collapse. Somalia’s failure state has drawn neighboring countries into proxy skirmishes; al-Shabab’s resurgence looms at the gates; vital trade routes through the Red Sea hang in the balance.

Supporting Somaliland’s sovereignty is not charity—it is strategic necessity. It protects a trading hub that links East Africa to global markets and undercuts extremist networks that thrive on chaos.

In a world beset by great-power rivalries, the Horn of Africa should not become another arena for silent appeasement of aggression. Somaliland’s peace-loving republic asks only for its own chance to live in peace.

If superpowers truly value stability, democracy, and the rule of law, they must listen—and act—before war finds them all unprepared.