From reluctance to runway access — Britain shifts its stance.

Starmer Approves Use of RAF Fairford and Diego Garcia for Operations Targeting Iranian Threats in Hormuz.

The British government has authorized the United States to use military facilities in the United Kingdom and its overseas territories to carry out strikes against Iranian missile sites targeting shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, marking a significant shift in London’s posture toward the widening conflict.

A Downing Street statement said ministers met Friday to assess the escalating crisis and confirmed that the agreement includes “U.S. defensive operations to degrade the missile sites and capabilities being used to attack ships in the Strait of Hormuz.”

Prime Minister Keir Starmer had previously signaled reluctance to deepen Britain’s involvement. Earlier this week, he said the UK would not be drawn into a broader war and initially resisted a U.S. request to use British bases, citing the need for legal clarity.

That position evolved after Iran launched strikes affecting British allies in the region. London has now permitted U.S. forces to operate from RAF Fairford in England and from Diego Garcia, a strategically vital joint U.S.-UK base in the Indian Ocean.

President Donald Trump had publicly criticized Starmer in recent days, accusing Britain of not doing enough to support Washington’s campaign. On Monday, Trump described some allies as “greatly disappointing” and singled out the UK, once calling it “the Rolls-Royce of allies.”

The British government framed its decision as part of collective self-defense efforts to protect global shipping lanes, through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil supply flows. Officials emphasized that the authorization is limited to operations aimed at degrading missile capabilities threatening maritime traffic.

Despite the move, Downing Street reiterated its call for “urgent de-escalation and a swift resolution to the war.”

Public opinion in Britain remains cautious. A YouGov survey found that 59 percent of respondents oppose the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran, reflecting unease over deeper involvement in another Middle East conflict.

By granting access to its bases while continuing to press for de-escalation, London is attempting to balance alliance commitments with domestic skepticism — a tightrope that may grow harder to walk as the conflict intensifies.

Iran’s top commanders are falling. The war’s leadership phase is intensifying.

Tehran Confirms Deaths of Senior IRGC and Basij Commanders as U.S.-Israeli Campaign Targets Military Elite.

Several senior commanders in Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) have been killed in recent U.S.-Israeli strikes, according to statements carried by Iranian state-linked media, marking a sharp escalation in the campaign against Tehran’s military leadership.

Among those confirmed dead was Ali Mohammed Naini, an IRGC spokesperson. In a statement published on the Sepah News website, the Guard said Naini had been “martyred” in what it described as a “criminal cowardly terrorist attack by the American-Zionist side at dawn.”

Iranian outlets also reported the death of Mehdi Qureishi, identified as a commander in the IRGC’s aerospace force, who was said to have been killed in strikes in Isfahan.

Separately, General Esmail Ahmadi, described as head of the Basij intelligence unit, was reported killed on Thursday alongside three unnamed individuals in what Iranian media called a joint U.S.-Israeli strike.

The IRGC is a central pillar of Iran’s security apparatus, overseeing ballistic missile forces, drone operations and regional proxy networks. The Basij, a paramilitary force subordinate to the IRGC, plays a key role in domestic security and intelligence.

Since the campaign began on February 28, U.S. and Israeli officials have made clear that senior IRGC commanders, aerospace units and affiliated militia leadership are primary targets, alongside key military infrastructure.

The strikes aim to degrade Iran’s missile-launch capabilities and weaken its internal security command structure.

Iranian authorities have also previously reported the killing of top leadership figures during the opening phase of the conflict, underscoring the scale of the offensive against the country’s command hierarchy.

The targeting of high-ranking commanders signals a shift from infrastructure-focused operations to leadership decapitation — a strategy designed to disrupt decision-making, fragment command chains and reduce operational coordination.

Whether these losses will slow Iran’s military response or instead harden its resolve remains uncertain. But with senior officers increasingly in the crosshairs, the conflict is now cutting deep into the core of Iran’s security establishment.

One strike. One reactor. Decades of fallout?

UN Health Agency Prepares for Potential Strike on Nuclear Sites as Conflict Escalates.

The World Health Organization is preparing contingency plans for what it calls a potential “worst-case” nuclear scenario in Iran, as fighting between the United States, Israel and Tehran intensifies.

Hanan Balkhy, the WHO’s Eastern Mediterranean regional director, told Politico that the agency is preparing for a nuclear incident “in its broader sense.” That could include a direct strike on one of Iran’s nuclear facilities or, in an extreme scenario, the use of atomic weapons by one of the parties to the conflict.

“No amount of preparation” could fully shield the region from consequences that might last for decades, she warned.

Since the U.S.-Israeli campaign began on February 28, multiple Iranian nuclear sites have been targeted. So far, international monitors report no radioactive contamination. The International Atomic Energy Agency has said that while certain structures near key facilities have been damaged, reactors themselves remain intact and radiation levels are normal.

Concerns escalated earlier this week when Iranian authorities reported that a munition struck near the Bushehr nuclear power plant, the country’s only operational reactor. Rosatom, which built and helps operate the facility, confirmed that no radiation leaks occurred but described the strike as a serious security breach.

Russia’s Foreign Ministry condemned the attack, calling it a reckless escalation and urging Washington and Tel Aviv to avoid further strikes on nuclear infrastructure.

Israel, widely believed to possess undeclared nuclear weapons, has not publicly signaled any intention to escalate to that level. President Donald Trump dismissed suggestions that Israel might consider such an option, saying this week that “Israel wouldn’t do that.”

Still, health officials are planning for contingencies that extend beyond conventional warfare. The WHO’s role would include coordinating medical response, radiation monitoring, and cross-border health systems support in the event of contamination.

The warning underscores how the conflict has moved into more dangerous terrain. As strikes edge closer to sensitive nuclear facilities, the margin for error narrows — and the potential consequences grow far beyond the battlefield.

President Trump Faces a Defining Choice: Deploy U.S. Troops to Secure Nearly 1,000 Pounds of Enriched Uranium.

Airstrikes are one thing. Boots on Iranian soil are another.

President Donald Trump is confronting what may become the most consequential decision of the Iran war: whether to send American troops into Iranian territory to seize or destroy roughly 970 pounds of enriched uranium that experts say could fuel up to 10 nuclear weapons.

The White House has offered shifting explanations for launching the conflict, but one goal has remained constant: ensuring that Iran will “never have a nuclear weapon.” The complication is that airpower alone may not achieve that objective.

Much of Iran’s near–bomb-grade uranium is believed to lie buried beneath the rubble of heavily bombed sites, including facilities at Isfahan, Natanz and Fordow. Rafael Grossi, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, has said the agency’s assessment is that the stockpile has likely not been moved and remains under debris at those locations.

Destroying centrifuges is one task. Recovering or neutralizing enriched uranium is another.

Several lawmakers warn that securing the material would almost certainly require a significant U.S. ground presence.

Senator Richard Blumenthal has argued that “securing the uranium cannot be done without a physical presence.” Even some Republican allies concede the difficulty. Senator Rick Scott acknowledged he has not been briefed on how such a mission could be accomplished without boots on the ground.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has declined to discuss operational options publicly, saying only that the administration has “options.” Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard testified that U.S. strikes had “obliterated” Iran’s enrichment program, but questions remain about the fate of the existing uranium stockpile.

Military experts say a seizure operation is technically feasible if the United States maintains full air superiority. Special operations forces trained in handling nuclear material could secure and remove the canisters. But the logistics would be formidable.

Clearing rubble may require heavy equipment. Analysts estimate that more than 1,000 troops per site could be needed to secure a safe perimeter and conduct the mission.

The political risks are just as steep. Trump campaigned on avoiding new, prolonged Middle East entanglements. A ground deployment inside Iran — even a limited one — could escalate quickly, potentially triggering broader regional conflict and domestic backlash.

Yet inaction carries its own danger. If Iran’s hard-liners retain access to enriched uranium, they may feel greater urgency to weaponize it as a deterrent against future strikes.

The president now stands at a crossroads. Airstrikes have reshaped the battlefield. But the question of Iran’s uranium stockpile may determine whether this war remains limited — or becomes a far deeper American commitment.

Winning the War — Or Just Surviving It?

Iran Has Been Pounded Militarily, but Geography, Time and Economic Leverage Complicate the Scorecard

The opening phase of the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran has been, by most measurable standards, a tactical success. Air superiority was established quickly.

Thousands of strikes degraded missile launchers, command centers and elements of Iran’s military infrastructure. Iranian leadership networks have been disrupted.

On paper, Washington and Jerusalem appear firmly in control.

But wars are not decided on paper.

More than 13,000 strikes in two weeks represent extraordinary operational intensity. Yet Iran has not collapsed, nor has it conceded.

President Donald Trump has insisted that the campaign is succeeding, even as U.S. forces rush additional assets into the region — redeploying air defenses, repositioning naval forces and urging reluctant partners to assist in protecting shipping lanes.

That posture does not signal defeat. But neither does it suggest a clean, predictable path to victory.

Iran, unable to match Western airpower, has chosen a different logic. Rather than seeking decisive battlefield gains, it has aimed to raise the cost of the war. Energy facilities, commercial hubs and maritime chokepoints have become pressure points.

The Strait of Hormuz — through which roughly a fifth of global oil flows — remains the most powerful lever in Tehran’s hands.

Modern interstate conflict rarely hinges on frontlines alone. It turns on endurance. On supply chains. On public tolerance for prolonged disruption.

Israel has absorbed strikes but remains heavily defended and socially hardened. Gulf states, particularly the UAE, have faced repeated targeting. Energy markets have reacted sharply. Tanker traffic has slowed. Interceptor stockpiles are being consumed.

The burden of constant air and maritime defense is immense — financially, logistically and politically.

Strategy, at its core, is the alignment of ends and means. By that measure, Iran’s approach is not irrational. It cannot win a symmetric war. So it plays asymmetrically. It stretches geography to its advantage. It prolongs the timeline. It relies on a higher tolerance for economic pain and domestic hardship than its adversaries may be able to sustain.

The next phase will test both sides differently. Israel will likely intensify efforts to dismantle Iran’s coercive institutions, including the Revolutionary Guards and the Basij militia. The United States will prioritize restoring maritime flow and reassuring regional partners. Iran may escalate selectively, potentially deploying capabilities — such as cruise missiles — that it has so far used sparingly.

So who is winning?

Militarily, the U.S. and Israel hold the upper hand. Strategically, the answer is murkier. If victory means degrading Iran’s infrastructure, that goal is advancing. If it means stabilizing the region and ending the conflict on favorable terms, the outcome remains uncertain.

Wars are rarely decided by who strikes hardest. More often, they are decided by who can endure longer.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth Hints at Largest Strike Yet as Costs Mount and Funding Could Top $200 Billion.

The United States has no defined timeline for ending its war against Iran, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said Thursday, signaling that the military campaign may deepen even as costs surge and regional instability widens.

Speaking at the Pentagon, Hegseth said more than 7,000 Iranian targets have been struck since the U.S.-Israeli offensive began three weeks ago. He warned that Thursday would bring “the largest strike package yet,” describing it starkly as “death and destruction from above.”

Asked about an exit strategy, Hegseth declined to provide one. “We wouldn’t want to set a definitive timeframe,” he said, adding that President Donald Trump would decide when U.S. objectives had been achieved.

Those objectives, he said, remain unchanged: dismantling Iran’s missile-launch capabilities, crippling its defense-industrial base and naval fleet, and preventing it from acquiring a nuclear weapon.

The conflict has steadily expanded. In the Gulf, U.S. aircraft and naval forces have targeted dozens of vessels, including mine-layers and submarines, as Washington attempts to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, effectively shut down by Tehran in the early days of the war. A-10 aircraft are hunting fast-attack craft in the waterway, while Apache helicopters in Iraq are striking Iran-aligned militias.

The financial burden is mounting. The first six days of operations reportedly cost nearly $13 billion. Hegseth did not deny reports that the Pentagon may seek more than $200 billion in additional funding from Congress, saying only that “it takes money to kill bad guys” and that funding discussions are ongoing.

Oil prices have surged amid attacks on Gulf energy infrastructure, and Trump’s approval ratings have slipped as the campaign intensifies. Yet Hegseth rejected suggestions of mission creep, calling such claims media distortions and insisting the strategy remains “on track.”

He ended the briefing with an appeal for Americans to pray for U.S. troops, underscoring the administration’s view that the campaign is both necessary and morally justified.

For now, the message from Washington is clear: the war is expanding, the price tag is rising, and the end — whenever it comes — will be determined not by a calendar, but by the president’s judgment of victory.

Missiles falling. Billions flowing. Congress sidelined.

Emergency Approvals for UAE, Kuwait and Jordan Bypass Congress as Iran Strikes Intensify.

The United States has approved a sweeping series of emergency arms sales to Gulf and Middle Eastern allies, bypassing the standard congressional review process as Iranian missile and drone attacks continue across the region.

The largest package, valued at more than $8 billion, was cleared for the United Arab Emirates.

It includes a $4.5 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system designed to intercept ballistic missiles, $2.1 billion in counter-drone capabilities through the FS-LIDS system, $1.22 billion in Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAMs), and $644 million in F-16 munitions, including precision-guided bombs such as GBU-39 small diameter bombs and Joint Direct Attack Munitions.

In parallel, Washington approved an additional $8 billion sale to Kuwait for advanced Lower Tier Air and Missile Defense Sensor Radars aimed at strengthening early-warning and missile-tracking capabilities.

Jordan also received emergency approval for a $70.5 million package covering aircraft support and munitions to maintain operational readiness.

All transactions were designated as emergency measures, allowing the administration to circumvent the usual congressional notification requirements. U.S. officials framed the move as necessary to rapidly reinforce regional air and missile defense systems amid evolving threats.

The approvals come as Gulf states face repeated ballistic missile and drone launches attributed to Iran. Energy infrastructure and urban centers have been targeted in recent weeks, raising concerns about broader instability and potential disruption to global oil and gas markets.

By accelerating these deals, Washington is signaling that it intends not only to defend its own forces in the region but to strengthen the deterrent capacity of key partners.

The scale and speed of the approvals reflect the administration’s assessment that regional defenses must be upgraded immediately, rather than over the slower timeline of traditional arms-transfer procedures.

While the emergency designation avoids immediate congressional scrutiny, it also underscores the urgency U.S. officials attach to the current security environment. The strategic message is clear: as missile threats expand, so too will American military backing for Gulf allies.

Foreign Minister Says Trust With Tehran Is “Shattered” as Riyadh Reserves Right to Retaliate.

For the first time in weeks, Riyadh heard the blasts itself.

Saudi Arabia has warned that it reserves the right to take military action against Iran after ballistic missiles targeted Riyadh, marking one of the most direct confrontations between the regional rivals in nearly three weeks of escalating war.

Speaking after an emergency meeting of regional foreign ministers in Riyadh, Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud accused Tehran of “premeditated hostile actions” against Gulf states and said any remaining trust had effectively collapsed.

“This pressure from Iran will backfire politically and morally, and certainly we reserve the right to take military actions if deemed necessary,” he said, adding that Saudi Arabia still preferred diplomacy but warned that continued attacks would leave “almost nothing” to rebuild bilateral confidence.

The remarks came hours after Saudi authorities said air defenses intercepted four ballistic missiles aimed at Riyadh. Debris reportedly fell near a refinery south of the capital.

Witnesses described interceptors lighting up the night sky near the hotel hosting diplomats from roughly a dozen countries, including Turkey, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan.

The missile launches followed Iranian threats to strike Gulf energy infrastructure in retaliation for what Tehran says was an Israeli strike on facilities in the massive South Pars gas field.

Oil prices surged on fears of wider disruption to global supplies as Qatar, the UAE and Saudi Arabia reported attacks on oil and gas sites.

Saudi officials say the kingdom has faced hundreds of Iranian missiles and drones since the conflict began, most intercepted before causing damage. But Wednesday’s barrage marked the first time many residents in Riyadh reported hearing explosions or receiving emergency text alerts.

The confrontation threatens to unravel a fragile diplomatic thaw between Riyadh and Tehran. The two countries restored relations in 2023 after years of rivalry that saw them back opposing factions across the Middle East.

Now, as the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran enters its third week, Saudi officials are signaling that patience is running thin.

Regional diplomats acknowledge that de-escalation remains elusive. With energy infrastructure under threat and missile exchanges edging closer to civilian centers, the Gulf’s uneasy balance appears increasingly fragile — and the risk of direct Saudi-Iranian confrontation no longer hypothetical.