Senegal’s political landscape is bracing for a pivotal parliamentary election on November 17, as President Bassirou Diomaye Faye pushes to consolidate power and advance his reform agenda. The election follows Faye’s decision to dissolve the opposition-led National Assembly, a move aimed at overcoming legislative resistance he claims has stalled his proposed anti-corruption measures and economic reforms. Campaigning, marked by fervent rallies and town-to-town caravans, has officially begun, setting the stage for a contest that may redefine the balance of power in Senegal.

Having secured the presidency with a resounding victory in April, Faye’s leadership faces a crucial test of public confidence. His Pastef party, which previously relied on coalitions, has decided to contest the election independently, aiming for a majority that would enable Faye to pass his proposed legislation unimpeded. Yet, the path to parliamentary dominance is far from assured. An unexpected coalition has emerged between former presidents Macky Sall and Abdoulaye Wade, bringing together two of Senegal’s most seasoned political actors. Their respective parties, the Alliance for the Republic (APR) and the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), dominated the outgoing assembly with 106 of the 165 seats, posing a formidable challenge to Pastef’s aspirations.

“This election has symbolic significance,” notes Mamadou Seck, a political analyst, who views it as a litmus test for Faye’s popularity following his electoral promises. “The critical challenge today is for Diomaye Faye to understand whether the people who elected him with 54% still support his program.” Seck observes that Pastef’s decision to run without a coalition might reflect a strategic gamble to gauge its standalone appeal, though the party has sought to strengthen its ranks by enlisting former allies of Sall.

A core component of Faye’s pitch to voters is an ambitious 25-year development plan unveiled earlier this month. This blueprint outlines bold goals to stimulate local industries, diversify Senegal’s economy, and generate job opportunities amid a fast-growing population. These objectives resonate with Faye’s anti-corruption and development rhetoric, which have been central to his political message. If Pastef secures a parliamentary majority, the plan could proceed with fewer legislative barriers, potentially shaping Senegal’s economic trajectory for decades.

Beyond Pastef and the Sall-Wade coalition, the election also features opposition figures such as former Prime Minister Amadou Ba and Dakar’s Mayor Barthelemy Dias, who head smaller opposition alliances. Dias, a vocal critic of the current administration, has cultivated a base in Dakar, an urban stronghold critical to influencing the capital’s vote. Their involvement underscores the stakes of the parliamentary contest and highlights the diverse opposition Faye faces as he seeks to establish his administration’s legislative foundation.

As the election draws near, Faye has called for a “peaceful and dignified” campaign, emphasizing a commitment to ensuring a transparent and respectful democratic process. “I wish all Senegalese and all political actors a peaceful and dignified electoral campaign, and I guarantee that… the best will win,” Faye said in a televised address. This message of unity aims to temper the charged atmosphere surrounding the race, especially as past elections in Senegal have occasionally sparked unrest amid high political fervor.

Should Faye succeed in securing a majority, he will gain a crucial mandate to advance his agenda, allowing for potentially transformative policies. However, a strong showing by the Sall-Wade coalition could spell renewed legislative resistance, challenging Faye’s leadership and testing his ability to navigate Senegal’s complex political landscape. For Senegalese voters, this election will shape not only the immediate future but also the long-term economic and social priorities of one of West Africa’s most stable democracies.

War now affects over 600 million women and girls worldwide, a staggering 50% increase in just a decade, according to a recent United Nations report. As conflicts intensify and political landscapes shift, U.N. leaders warn that the decades of progress toward gender equality and women’s rights are increasingly at risk. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres highlighted in a new report the troubling erosion of rights and opportunities for women, saying, “generational gains in women’s rights hang in the balance around the world.”

The findings coincide with the anniversary of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325, a landmark decision adopted on October 31, 2000, that advocated for equal participation of women in peacebuilding and conflict resolution. More than 20 years on, women’s involvement in peace negotiations remains negligible, hampered by persistent patriarchal structures and limited decision-making power for women in peace and security matters. Guterres emphasized the enduring imbalance: “As long as oppressive patriarchal social structures and gender biases hold back half our societies, peace will remain elusive.”

The report presented a bleak outlook for women in conflict zones, where the rate of female casualties has doubled in the past year. U.N.-verified incidents of conflict-related sexual violence have surged by 50%, and the number of girls affected by violence has risen by 35%. This alarming trend is evident across various regions: from Afghan girls barred from education to Sudanese women enduring sexual violence, and displaced women in Gaza, Syria, and Yemen grappling with the grim realities of conflict.

Sima Bahous, head of U.N. Women, highlighted the pervasive sense of abandonment felt by the 612 million women and girls affected by war, stating that they “wonder if the world has already forgotten them.” Bahous also highlighted stark statistics on food insecurity and health, revealing that one in two women in conflict zones face moderate to severe hunger, and that 61% of global maternal deaths occur in 35 conflict-ridden countries.

Despite the overwhelming need, progress toward including women in peacebuilding remains stalled. Bahous cited the discouraging statistic that women’s representation in peace negotiations has averaged below 10% over the past decade, reaching only 20% in U.N.-supported processes. The U.N. recently introduced a “Common Pledge on Women’s Participation in Peace Processes,” spearheaded by Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed, aimed at urging governments and organizations to appoint more women as lead mediators and to consult with female leaders at all stages of peace processes.

In response to the U.N. findings, diplomats expressed frustration at the ongoing lack of political commitment to advancing women’s roles in peace efforts. Panama’s U.N. Ambassador Eloy Alfaro de Alba spoke directly to this issue, citing the continued absence of “political will” as a key obstacle in fulfilling member states’ commitments to gender equality in conflict resolution.

With calls for concrete action growing louder, the U.N. is emphasizing the need for meaningful inclusion of women in peace processes—not only as a matter of equality but as an essential step toward achieving sustainable peace.

Africa’s port infrastructure has experienced significant growth, spurred by an estimated $15 billion in investments since 2005. These investments have allowed African ports to accommodate larger vessels and increase cargo throughput, with container traffic rising by nearly 50% from 2011 to 2021, according to the African Development Bank. Yet, despite these advancements, the continent’s inland logistics remain a significant hurdle to efficient supply chain operations, as highlighted by the Africa Finance Corporation’s 2024 “State of Africa’s Infrastructure” report.

Gabriel Sounouvou, a logistics and supply chain specialist, notes that while modernizing ports has led to improvements such as greater integration into the global supply chain and reduced corruption, these gains have not translated into more efficient movement of goods within Africa. The primary bottleneck lies in underdeveloped road and rail networks, which, despite port expansions, remain inadequate, unevenly distributed, and underutilized.

The poor quality of road networks is especially problematic. Sounouvou explains that many trucks are forced to navigate poor road corridors, causing severe delays. Goods transported from ports to landlocked countries often take more than 10 days to arrive instead of the three days that could be expected under better conditions. This logistical challenge is exacerbated in areas far from coastal ports, where the cost of doing business soars due to infrastructure deficits.

In addition to infrastructure, human factors also present significant challenges. Jonas Aryee, a maritime trade expert, points out that regulatory roadblocks such as customs checks, police stops, and border delays contribute to the high costs and inefficiency of transporting goods across African countries. These barriers, along with protectionist policies that safeguard domestic industries at the expense of regional trade cooperation, further stymie the development of a seamless continental logistics network.

According to the AFC study, Africa’s paved road network totals just 680,000 kilometers, a mere 10% of the road infrastructure found in India, despite Africa’s larger land area and comparable population size. This stark gap illustrates the lack of coordinated investment and infrastructure development across the continent. Experts argue that without a concerted effort from African nations to jointly invest in and manage cross-border highway networks, the potential benefits of port modernization will remain unfulfilled.

While inland infrastructure remains a critical issue, the momentum for port investment continues. Several new terminal projects are slated for development in countries such as Angola, Benin, Cameroon, Ghana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Ivory Coast. However, for these investments to translate into broader economic gains, African nations must address the chronic underdevelopment of road and rail systems that are vital for efficient logistics and trade integration.

Ultimately, the development of a more robust and interconnected transportation network—integrating ports, roads, and railways—is crucial for unlocking the full economic potential of Africa’s growing port infrastructure. Without it, Africa risks missing out on the opportunity to fully participate in the global supply chain, with inefficiencies continuing to hamper economic growth and regional trade.

Nigeria’s intensifying crackdown on crude oil theft is yielding notable progress, as the country aims to curb the massive financial losses caused by illicit activities in its oil-producing regions. The concerted efforts, driven by Operation Delta Safe, have reportedly led to a 16.7% increase in oil output over the past year, marking a significant step forward in securing the nation’s key resource.

Security forces under the joint land and air command of officers like Jamal Abdussalam and Ali Idris have shut down illegal refineries, recovered millions of liters of stolen crude, and made numerous arrests. Abdussalam underscored the impact of military presence in deterring oil thieves, noting, “Once they see soldiers, they take to their hills.” He emphasized that security operations are not just focused on arrests but also on dismantling and destroying the infrastructure used for illegal refining.

The cooperation between Nigerian authorities and international oil companies (IOCs) has been crucial to the success of this campaign. Idris highlighted that the IOCs have been instrumental in providing intelligence on illegal pipeline connections, significantly improving the military’s ability to combat theft. This collaboration has helped Nigeria address a long-standing issue that has plagued its oil industry for years.

Technological advancements have also played a central role in Nigeria’s efforts. According to Chief of Defense Staff Christopher Musa, the use of drones, maritime surveillance systems, and helicopters has enhanced the monitoring and protection of oil pipelines across the difficult and swampy terrain of the Niger Delta. These tools, alongside traditional patrols, have allowed the security forces to target and dismantle illegal refineries more effectively.

The stakes are high for Nigeria, as oil theft continues to drain the nation’s economy. Estimates from the Senate suggest that in 2022, Nigeria lost $23 million daily due to theft, and a staggering $1.43 billion was lost in March 2023 alone. Operation Delta Safe is seen as a critical response to this crisis, with a production goal of 1.7 million barrels per day this year—a target that officials are optimistic can be met.

However, challenges remain. Emeka Onumajuru, Delta Safe’s defense training and operations chief, acknowledged that while progress has been made in securing pipelines and reducing theft, the region’s rough terrain and lack of effective community engagement continue to pose significant hurdles. The Niger Delta, characterized by its dense forests and difficult swampy environment, makes it difficult for security forces to operate efficiently. Moreover, weak relationships between oil companies and local communities contribute to tensions, increasing the risk of sabotage and theft.

Musa emphasized the importance of fostering strong ties with local communities, recognizing that their cooperation is essential for long-term success. “We’re going to work with them to ensure that whatever is due for them, they get,” he stated, underscoring the government’s commitment to ensuring equitable distribution of oil revenues. This approach, officials hope, will reduce the likelihood of community grievances that often fuel illegal activities.

While Operation Delta Safe is being hailed as a major achievement in Nigeria’s ongoing battle against oil theft, experts caution that sustaining these gains will require continued collaboration among security forces, government agencies, and local stakeholders. Without an enduring framework for cooperation and engagement, the illicit trade that has undermined Nigeria’s oil industry for decades could resurface, potentially eroding the progress made thus far.

The future of Nigeria’s oil production, and indeed the stability of the region, hinges on this delicate balance of military enforcement, technological advancements, and meaningful community engagement.

The World Bank has revised its 2024 economic growth forecast for sub-Saharan Africa, lowering it from 3.4% to 3% due to the severe economic toll of the ongoing civil war in Sudan. Despite this setback, growth is still projected to improve from last year’s 2.4%, largely supported by increased private consumption and investment, according to the latest regional economic outlook report, Africa’s Pulse.

Andrew Dabalen, the World Bank’s Chief Economist for Africa, described the recovery as being “in slow gear,” signaling that while growth has returned, it remains modest and faces significant challenges. The report suggests that moderating inflation in many African nations will provide some relief, enabling central banks to ease their elevated lending rates.

Sudan’s civil war has had a devastating impact on the region, not only causing widespread destruction and displacement but also dragging down the overall growth rate. The World Bank estimates that if not for the conflict in Sudan, the region’s 2024 growth could have been 0.5% higher, in line with earlier forecasts.

Looking ahead, the World Bank anticipates growth in sub-Saharan Africa to rise to 3.9% in 2024, slightly above the previous projection of 3.8%. However, this forecast remains vulnerable to risks, including ongoing conflicts, climate-related disasters like droughts, floods, and cyclones, and the long-standing issue of high debt levels in many nations.

Country-Specific Projections

South Africa, the region’s most advanced economy, is expected to grow by 1.1% in 2023 and 1.6% in 2025, reflecting only modest improvements from the 0.7% recorded last year. Nigeria, the continent’s largest economy, is forecast to grow by 3.3% this year, with an increase to 3.6% by 2025. Kenya, East Africa’s richest economy, is expected to see a more robust expansion of 5% in 2023.

The Legacy of the Commodity Supercycle

From 2000 to 2014, sub-Saharan Africa enjoyed an average annual growth rate of 5.3%, buoyed by a global commodity boom. However, this momentum began to slow after commodity prices collapsed, a slowdown further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Dabalen warned that continued sluggish growth could have catastrophic long-term consequences for the region, particularly in efforts to reduce poverty.

A major challenge facing sub-Saharan Africa is the lack of both public and private investment, which has remained weak despite a modest recovery in foreign direct investment (FDI) since 2021. Dabalen stressed the need for significantly higher investment levels to accelerate economic recovery and reduce poverty.

Rising Debt and Its Consequences

Debt remains a critical issue for many countries in the region. High debt service costs are placing enormous pressure on national budgets, particularly in countries like Kenya, which experienced deadly protests against tax hikes earlier this year. Dabalen highlighted the “staggering levels of interest payments” many African countries face, attributing the problem to a shift in borrowing strategies over the past decade. Governments have increasingly turned to financial markets for loans, moving away from lower-cost credit provided by institutions such as the World Bank.

The region’s total external debt has surged to approximately $500 billion, up from $150 billion just 15 years ago, with much of the debt owed to bond market investors and China. Several countries, including Chad, Zambia, Ghana, and Ethiopia, have defaulted on their debt obligations in recent years and are undergoing restructuring processes under the G20’s Common Framework initiative. While Chad, Zambia, and Ghana have completed their restructurings, Ethiopia is still negotiating its debt overhaul.

Dabalen emphasized that unresolved debt issues are causing uncertainty, delaying investment and recovery efforts, and undermining the prospects for both the debtor countries and their creditors.

As the region grapples with these complex challenges, the World Bank’s report underscores the need for a coordinated approach to address the risks of conflict, climate disasters, and unsustainable debt, while also fostering investment to stimulate long-term growth.

Protests have erupted in Kilifi County, Kenya, as dozens of residents and activists rally against a proposed nuclear power plant, set to be the country’s first. The coastal region, famous for its picturesque beaches and eco-tourism, is also home to the Arabuko Sokoke Forest Reserve, a vital biodiversity hotspot that is on UNESCO’s tentative list of World Heritage sites. The proposed plant has sparked concerns among the local population, who fear the environmental and health risks associated with nuclear energy.

Kilifi, located some 522 kilometers southeast of Nairobi, has long been known as one of Kenya’s premier tourist destinations, drawing visitors to its coral reefs, bird-watching sites, and pristine beaches. However, the announcement of a 1,000-megawatt nuclear facility in the area has generated heated opposition. On Friday, protesters, led by Muslim for Human Rights (MUHURI), marched through Kilifi to the governor’s office, chanting anti-nuclear slogans and carrying placards with messages like “Sitaki nuclear,” meaning “I don’t want nuclear” in Swahili. They presented a petition demanding the cancellation of the project, citing concerns about the environmental and societal impacts.

At the heart of the opposition is the Arabuko Sokoke Forest Reserve, a unique ecological site that supports rare and endangered species, including birds that attract eco-tourists from around the world. Residents and activists argue that building a nuclear power plant near this fragile ecosystem could be devastating, potentially leading to the loss of biodiversity and damage to the local tourism industry. The reserve also plays a critical role in Kenya’s conservation efforts, making the project a lightning rod for environmental advocacy.

Fears of Environmental and Health Risks

Francis Auma, a MUHURI activist, expressed his concerns during the protest, warning of the potential fallout for both humans and wildlife. “There will be malformed children born out of this place, fish will die, and our forest Arabuko Sokoke, known to harbor birds from abroad, will be lost,” he said. Other protesters echoed these sentiments, fearing for their livelihoods in a region heavily dependent on eco-tourism and fishing.

Timothy Nyawa, a local fisherman, voiced his apprehension about the plant’s potential impact on fish populations, which sustain much of the local economy. “If they set up a nuclear plant here, the fish breeding sites will all be destroyed,” Nyawa said, underlining the deep economic fears many in the community share. The construction of the nuclear plant, scheduled to begin in 2027 and projected to cost $3.8 billion, has raised questions about its long-term effects on local industries that depend on the region’s natural resources.

A Struggle for Public Participation and Transparency

Opponents of the project also argue that there has been insufficient public consultation and transparency. Phyllis Omido, executive director of the Center for Justice Governance and Environmental Action, stressed that many locals feel uninformed about the plant’s potential risks and benefits. “We host the only East African coastal forest, we host the Watamu marine park, we host the largest mangrove plantation in Kenya. We do not want nuclear energy to mess up our ecosystem,” Omido said during the rally. Her organization filed a petition in parliament last November, calling for an inquiry into the plant’s environmental and safety risks, claiming that the government had not adequately engaged with the local community.

The Kenyan Senate suspended its inquiry into the project pending the outcome of a lawsuit filed by two lawyers in July. The lawsuit seeks to halt the plant’s construction, arguing that public participation was rushed and insufficient. It also raises concerns over health, environmental safety, and the management of radioactive waste, particularly in a region prone to natural disasters like floods and drought.

Despite these concerns, Kenya’s Nuclear Power and Energy Agency (Nupea) has assured the public that environmental protections are being considered. In response to the growing backlash, Nupea noted that construction would not begin for several years and that the project complies with national environmental laws. The agency also published an impact assessment report recommending policies to mitigate potential environmental harm, such as setting up a nuclear unit within the national environmental authority and establishing emergency response teams.

However, activists and locals remain skeptical. They argue that the risks associated with nuclear energy far outweigh the potential benefits, particularly in a region with significant ecological and economic value. Juma Sulubu, a local resident who had previously been injured by police during a protest, expressed the defiance that has come to define the anti-nuclear movement in Kilifi. “Even if you kill us, just kill us, but we do not want a nuclear power plant in our Uyombo community,” he said.

As the debate over Kenya’s nuclear future intensifies, the protests in Kilifi reflect a broader struggle over how the country balances its energy needs with the preservation of its natural and cultural heritage. For the residents of Kilifi, the fight to protect their community and environment is only just beginning.

Kenya Airways (KQ) announced on Friday that it will suspend all flights to and from Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, effective October 15, due to operational challenges as part of broader network adjustments. The airline, in a statement from its Nairobi headquarters, emphasized that the decision is aimed at optimizing its route network to enhance operational efficiency and service quality.

The airline reassured its passengers of ongoing efforts to improve its operations while maintaining safety as a priority. “Kenya Airways remains committed to continuously optimizing its flight schedule to better align with demand and performance objectives while ensuring the safety of its crew and passengers,” the statement read.

Passengers with bookings on affected flights made on or before October 4, for travel before October 15, will be contacted for alternative travel arrangements. This includes options for rebooking, refunds, or rerouting, as per the airline’s customer service policy.

In addition to the suspension of flights to Mogadishu, KQ also announced several adjustments to its network to streamline operations ahead of the peak season. From October 27, the airline will introduce an additional flight from Mauritius to Nairobi, which will operate on Wednesdays, Saturdays, and Sundays.

Further changes include an extra flight from Nairobi to the Comoros, starting October 28, increasing service to four weekly flights on Mondays, Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. Similarly, flights to Zanzibar will be boosted to seven weekly services starting the same day.

For passengers traveling to Kigali, Rwanda, KQ will introduce an additional flight on Fridays, effective November 1, raising the total number of weekly flights to Kigali to 25. Additionally, from December 5 to January 4, 2025, two more flights from Nairobi to New York will be available, operating on Thursdays and Saturdays to accommodate the expected rise in demand during the holiday season.

These adjustments, KQ said, are part of its broader strategy to ensure smoother and more efficient operations during peak travel times while maintaining its focus on key markets.

Guinea’s military junta, under the leadership of General Mamady Doumbouya, has implemented a new travel ban on ministers, restricting them from leaving the country without his express permission. In a statement issued on Thursday, the government announced that all ministers currently abroad have been ordered to return immediately, and the travel restrictions will remain in place until the end of 2024.

This sudden directive is reportedly part of a broader effort to curtail public spending and ensure more efficient management of the state’s resources, according to government spokesman Ousmane Gaoual Diallo. While ministers are required to stay within the country, senior officials and diplomats will still be allowed to represent Guinea abroad.

Doumbouya, a former colonel who was promoted to general after seizing power in a coup in September 2021, has since assumed the role of president of Guinea. Initially, the junta had committed to transitioning back to civilian rule by the end of 2024, under pressure from the international community. However, that timeline has since been abandoned.

As the country’s political landscape evolves, speculation has grown regarding Doumbouya’s intentions in future elections. Several members of his government have voiced support for him to potentially run in the next presidential race, raising questions about Guinea’s political trajectory and the future of civilian governance.