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The Red Sea Crises – Opinion

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“The Red Sea Crises: Environmental Oil Split and Economic Fallout from the Houthi Attack on the Oil Tanker MV Soundiodine” 

The Red Sea, a crucial maritime corridor linking the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean, has been the site of numerous incidents threatening its environmental and economic stability. The most recent and severe of these was the attack on the oil tanker MV Soundiodine by Houthi rebels on August 21, 2024. This assault resulted in a catastrophic oil spill, inflicting significant harm on the marine environment, disrupting economic activities, and exacerbating regional tensions. This event underscores the inherent vulnerabilities of the region and the profound consequences of such aggressive actions.

The attack occurred near the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a key waterway through which millions of barrels of oil are transported daily. The Houthis, a militant group originating from Yemen, have previously targeted Red Sea shipping routes amid their broader regional conflict. In this instance, a missile strike breached the hull of the MV Soundiodine, leading to a massive release of crude oil into the surrounding waters. The extent of the spill was considerable, with thousands of barrels of oil estimated to have been discharged, rapidly creating a vast slick across the sea.

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The environmental repercussions of the MV Soundiodine spill have been severe. The Red Sea hosts diverse marine ecosystems, including coral reefs, mangroves, and seagrass beds, all of which are highly sensitive to oil contamination. The spill has wreaked havoc on coral reefs, which are vital for marine biodiversity. The oil slick has covered extensive areas of reef, obstructing sunlight and diminishing oxygen levels crucial for coral health. Consequently, many coral colonies have sustained irreversible damage, leading to a dramatic loss of marine life dependent on these ecosystems.

Beyond coral reefs, the oil spill has had dire effects on various marine species. Fish populations, already under threat from overfishing and habitat loss, have been further devastated by the oil’s toxic impact. Disruption to breeding grounds and nursery areas has led to a decline in fish stocks, potentially jeopardizing the region’s fisheries for the long term. Seabirds, reliant on the coastal waters of the Red Sea for sustenance, have also suffered significantly. Oil-coated feathers have compromised their buoyancy and ability to regulate body temperature, resulting in hypothermia, drowning, and starvation. Marine mammals, including dolphins and dugongs, face increased risks of respiratory issues, skin lesions, and reproductive failures due to exposure to contaminated waters.

The spill has heavily impacted coastal areas in Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan. Oil has washed ashore, contaminating beaches, mangroves, and other sensitive coastal habitats. These areas play a crucial role in shoreline protection, marine life nursery grounds, and supporting local livelihoods. The contamination has led to the death of mangrove trees, essential for coastal stability and biodiversity, further diminishing the region’s ecological resilience.

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Economically, the MV Soundiodine oil spill has had substantial repercussions for the Red Sea’s bordering countries and the global economy. The Red Sea is a vital route for oil and goods transportation, and any disruption has immediate global economic effects. The spill has necessitated the temporary closure of some shipping lanes, causing delays in oil and commodity deliveries. Increased uncertainty regarding the security of Red Sea shipping routes has driven up insurance premiums for vessels, escalating maritime transport costs. These disruptions have contributed to volatility in global oil markets, with prices fluctuating in response to fears of supply shortages.

The oil spill’s impact on local economies has been profound, particularly in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. A significant decline in tourism—a primary income source for these countries—has resulted from the oil contamination of beaches and coastal waters. Coastal resorts, once popular with millions of visitors, have seen a drastic drop in tourism, causing economic hardship and job losses in communities dependent on this industry. Similarly, the fishing industry, crucial for food and income in these coastal areas, has been severely affected, with declines in fish stocks and the closure of fishing areas.

The cleanup efforts for the MV Soundiodine spill have been both extensive and costly, with estimates reaching hundreds of millions of dollars. The complexity of the Red Sea’s marine and coastal environments has made the cleanup particularly challenging, especially in delicate habitats like coral reefs and mangroves. Recovery for the affected ecosystems may take years, if not decades. While the burden of cleanup costs falls on the affected countries, there are ongoing efforts to seek compensation from those responsible.

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Geopolitically, the attack on the MV Soundiodine has significant implications. The Red Sea’s strategic importance has heightened tensions among regional powers, such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Egypt, as well as global powers including the United States and China. Calls for increased security measures, including proposals for a larger military presence, have emerged to protect shipping lanes. However, such measures could escalate the risk of further conflicts involving regional and global powers.

The international community has expressed strong disapproval and concern following the MV Soundiodine incident. Nations with significant interests in the Red Sea, particularly those reliant on the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait for oil transportation, are alarmed by the vulnerability of this crucial maritime route. Diplomatic efforts are underway to address security concerns, with proposals for enhanced international collaboration to monitor and safeguard the region’s shipping lanes. However, the complex political landscape complicates the implementation of effective solutions. The incident has highlighted the need for stringent international regulations and enforcement to prevent future attacks and ensure accountability for environmental and economic damages.

In summary, the assault on the MV Soundiodine and the resulting oil spill have had profound and far-reaching consequences. The severe environmental damage to the Red Sea’s unique marine and coastal ecosystems has lasting effects on biodiversity and habitat integrity. Economically, the spill has disrupted both local and global markets, leading to substantial cleanup costs and economic hardship. Geopolitically, the incident has intensified tensions in an already volatile region, underscoring the interconnected nature of environmental, economic, and security challenges in the Red Sea. The MV Soundiodine spill serves as a stark reminder of the need for coordinated international efforts to address and mitigate such crises.

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Thank you for your attention to this important matter.

Sincerely,

Mahad Ahmed
Independent Maritime Security Advisor
Hargeisa, Somaliland
Email: mahaddayr@gmail.com

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Opinion

Djibouti: The Small Nation Carrying Global Weight

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In the Horn of Africa, Unity Offers Power, Division Risks Peril

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More than 3.4 billion people worldwide now live in countries that spend more on interest payments than on health. For the Horn of Africa, the arithmetic of survival tilts heavily toward integration over isolation. The deficit of trust across the region often suffocates collective action. Young people, unconvinced that tomorrow will be better, vote with their feet, crossing borders or seas in search of opportunities that home economies cannot yet provide.

The Horn of Africa has reached a hinge moment in a turbulent century. Pandemics, climate shocks, financial tremors, and geopolitical rivalries are rearranging global power, forcing countries to decide whether to hunker down behind borders or ride out the storm together.

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For the Horn, the question is haunting. The refrain, whether to retreat behind borders while each country fends for itself, echoes from highlands to coasts. Isolation can soothe short-term fears; however, partnership is now the objective measure of strength. Regional integration is no longer a lofty dream. It is the complex calculus of survival.

Alarmingly, the costs of fragmentation are already visible. Border frictions delay trucks and convoys, adding days to delivery times and scaring off investors. Regulatory mismatches snarl digital start-ups and block power grids from linking. A deficit of trust suffocates collective action, while young people, unconvinced that tomorrow will be better than today, leave to seek opportunities abroad.

Nonetheless, most damaging is the disunity that turns the Horn of Africa into a strategic chessboard on which outside powers manoeuvre, each move widening the region’s fault lines. No state, however large or resource-rich, can flourish for long in such an environment.

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Djibouti has chosen a different path. Its leaders insist on openness, dialogue, and connection. More than a logistics platform, Djibouti aspires to be a catalyst for cooperation, hosting peace talks, laying fibre-optic cables, and keeping its ports open to all.

If the geography of the Red Sea lanes, shared watersheds, and cross-border pastoral routes ties the Horn of Africa together, then political will can turn geography from a curse into a blessing.

The Horn of Africa is not condemned to crisis. It possesses the raw materials to become a laboratory of African solutions to Africa’s problems and a driver of shared prosperity. Ports can serve entire corridors, not just one flag. Peace can rest on dialogue, not fear. National pride can bind people together instead of driving them apart.

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The region is not a powder keg. It can be a collective powerhouse if we choose unity.

Imagine a region powered by pooled energy grids, stitched together by seamless roads and rail, and wired through interoperable digital platforms. Envision supply chains that shrug off climate shocks because farmers, traders, and relief agencies coordinate forecasts, seeds, and storage. Imagine a workforce of young women and men who swap ideas instead of arms.

Indeed, such a future is attainable, but only if firm foundations are laid. There should be leadership that breaks cycles of grievance and institutions trusted to mediate disputes. Regular forums, such as councils, joint commissions, and early-warning systems, that replace rumour with facts should be encouraged. While joint investment in public goods, such as infrastructure, innovation, and climate resilience, needs to be reinforced, the most elusive aspect, a culture of trust, should be built patiently, transaction by transaction, election by election, and deal by deal.

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Sovereignty and solidarity need not collide. When interdependence is managed, bridges guard national interests better than walls can.

Djibouti’s claim to neutrality should be viewed as a responsibility, not an indifference. Three pillars support it.

It originates from an exceptional geography, serving as a gateway that links Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia. Its diplomatic credibility is earned by outreach to every camp without surrendering judgment. It has an enduring stability, upheld by institutions that facilitate political dialogue and provide predictable governance.

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The African Union (AU), IGAD, the Arab League, the United Nations (UN), and global partners acknowledge these endowments. Djibouti, however, recognises that credibility erodes if it rests on inertia. Djibouti wants, and can go further, not on the ways of competition, but contribution and cooperation.

Its leaders outline three initiatives to match these pillars with action. The Arta Centre for Regional Mediation & Peace would train mediators, advance strategic research, and weave elders, youth, and women into peacemaking. An Annual Forum on Security, Peace, & Cooperation in the Horn of Africa, a Davos for Peace, so to say, would gather leaders, businesses, civil society, scholars, and mediators to compare notes before crises mature.

Lastly, a set of neutral trilateral diplomacy mechanisms would provide off-ramps from binary confrontations, thereby lowering the temperature of regional disputes before they escalate.

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This agenda is based on the principles of neutrality as a duty, stability as a regional public good, and African solutions to African challenges. As global multilateralism wanes, principled regional leadership becomes increasingly vital. Djibouti’s vocation is to connect, convene, and integrate, never to dominate.

There is no concealed agenda here, only a sincere desire to build a community of shared destiny.

Much of this outlook bears the imprint of President Ismail Omar Guelleh, hailed at home and abroad as a charismatic statesman whose lifelong dedication blends wisdom, foresight, and an unwavering commitment to regional peace. For more than two decades, he has steered Djibouti through the Horn of Africa’s minefields, betting consistently on dialogue over discord and integration over isolation.

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Neighbours in search of mediators often arrive in Djibouti City first, confident they will find a steady hand and a discreet ear.

The moment, though, belongs not to any single leader but to the region’s citizens. They should offer a clear wager. Those who invest in peace, dialogue, and shared prosperity are most welcome. Profiteers from mistrust should not be.

Unity should no longer be a slogan but the only viable security policy. The Horn of Africa’s future will be decided by those willing to trade suspicion for cooperation. The choice, therefore, is urgent, and still ours to make.

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Ilyas M. Dawaleh
Minister Of Economy & Finance,in Charge of Industry, Republic of Djibouti. Secretary General of RPP
@Ilyasdawaleh

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Opinion

Somaliland could be a powerful friend: It’s time for Britain to recognise that

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The time to recognise Somaliland is now, and Britain is the right country to do it first

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Sir Gavin Williamson

MP for Stone, Great Wyrley and Penkridge

Imagine a country that saw its early years tainted by war and genocide. Imagine a country that has received almost no foreign aid and operates on a budget of £250 million.

Imagine a country that, despite these setbacks, has held six democratic elections in the last 35 years and has established a level of stability its neighbours could only dream of. That country is Somaliland.

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Somaliland is the poster child for everything Britain encourages its partners to be. It is democratic, it is stable, and it stands on its own two feet. It has also proven its worth as a capable ally in the fight against terrorism and piracy. And yet, as it marks 65 years since Britain granted its independence, we still haven’t recognised it as separate from Somalia.

This is all the more puzzling given that the two states could not be more different from each other. While Somaliland has established itself as an oasis of stability and security, Somalia has taken somewhat of a different path. Not content with being a haven for pirates and members of al-Shabaab, Somalia is also home to a dictator who upholds basic human rights with the same diligence as Vladimir Putin.

Meanwhile, Britain gives this dire state of affairs the diplomatic “thumbs up” by funnelling hundreds of millions of pounds into Somalia and refusing to recognise Somaliland as a separate nation. Even the most sympathetic of observers would struggle to see how the Foreign Secretary can call this policy either “progressive” or “realistic”.

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But the case for recognising Somaliland is not just a moral one. At a time when budgets across Whitehall are being stretched and development funding is being slashed, recognising Somaliland is a policy that would give Britain bang for its buck.

Unlike its neighbour, Somaliland is open for British business. Its crown jewel is the Port of Berbera, which looks out onto the Gulf of Aden and offers a front-row seat to some of the world’s busiest shipping routes. The state also has vast untapped oil and gas reserves, which have already attracted the interest of several British companies.

The country’s economic and strategic significance has not gone unnoticed to the likes of China and Russia, the former of which has poured money into neighbouring Ethiopia. However, in a sign of defiance to Beijing’s debt-trap diplomacy, Somaliland chose to recognise Taiwan and established itself as a counterbalance to Chinese influence in the Horn of Africa. It is utterly baffling that we continue to turn our back on such a ready and willing ally in one of the most geopolitically pivotal regions.

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While Britain falls asleep at the wheel, attitudes in Washington DC are changing fast, and whispers of Trump moving to recognise Somaliland grow louder each day. But unlike our friends across the pond, our ties run deeper than contemporary geopolitics.

Whether it is the Somalilanders who sailed on British ships before forming a diaspora in port cities such as Liverpool, or those who fought side by side with British troops in the World Wars, their past is also our past. Bound by this shared history, it would be a shame for Britain to play second fiddle to the US in the story of Somaliland’s independence.

The time to recognise Somaliland is now, and Britain is the right country to do it first. In a world that is more volatile than it was yesterday, Britain needs all the partners it can get. And an independent, recognised Somaliland would be more than a partner – it would be a friend.

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Opinion

Should Trump Administration Formally Recognize Somaliland?

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By Arthur C. Schaper

President Trump ran for office to Make America Great Again. He wanted our borders respected, our language restored, and our culture reinvigorated. He is accomplishing all three at breakneck speed. Even his foreign policy forays are working in the United States’ best interests.

Peace in the Middle East, fighting for every chance to bring peace to the Russia-Ukraine war, and weakening China’s globalism are big wins for America. Speaking of borders, language, and culture, President Trump has another chance to make history: eliminate pirate forces, undermine Islamic fundamentalism, and establish his bona fides as a peace-maker, a deal-maker, and a nation-builder who doesn’t send young American men to die in pointless wars. This potential diplomatic measure wouldn’t cost him anything but a simple declaration.

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President Trump, it’s time to recognize Somaliland as a separate, sovereign country from Somalia.

Somaliland, judging by the name, has close kinship with Somalia. The failed state, home to vile modern-day pirates who have waged war on tourists and shipping lanes alike, has stifled efforts for their northern neighbors to break away officially and obtain the rights reserved among all other nations in the world. And yet, Somaliland, for all intents and purposes, is its own country.

First, some background.

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Somaliland existed as a British protectorate until 1960, when it was granted freedom from the mother country. The French Somali region also won independence and became Djibouti. The Italians controlled the southern section of the Eastern Horn of Africa, which became a free Somalia following caretaker status under the United Nations.

The former British and Italian dominions joined together in 1960, but Somaliland (in the northwestern section) was getting the short end of an already short stick under the dictatorship of Mohamed Siad Barre. Civil war broke out (and hasn’t ended!), and Somaliland broke away in 1991.

For over thirty years, Somaliland has existed as a quasi-independent state. They have their own government, currency, and military. Unlike their failed state neighbors, Somaliland has retained considerable order and stability. The country has enjoyed ethical elections and peaceful transitions of power. They have forged strong relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom. They are growing their relationships with other African states, including Ethiopia.

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They just don’t have official status … yet.

President Trump needs to take the lead on this and recognize Somaliland as an official country.

This move has a number of benefits for the United States, somewhat mirroring the wins for the United States following the brokerage of peace agreements with Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo:

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President Trump would assert American influence and dominance in the region. Global power players insist on playing timid, despite the great power and authority granted to them by their voters or the power structures in their respective countries.

Trump has not been afraid to think big, ask bigger, and get the biggest deal possible to benefit the United States. Stepping in and asserting the will and interest of a local people group to their own nation will bolster America’s resurgence on the world stage. Supporting a stable region by offering it official recognition will help stem the migrant crisis overwhelming Europe and the United States.

Instead of dishonoring failed states or pushing away the rising tides of teeming masses, why not provide support to breakaway regions which can run their affairs without too much trouble, and provide those regions as alternative refugee destinations? President Trump is deporting illegal aliens to South Sudan. He could work out a deal with Somaliland to receive them, too.

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Supporting the creation of an independent Somaliland would press the rest of the Eastern Horn of Africa to get its act together. If Somalia won’t take the hint to get its act together, the United States could abandon its dubious military standing in Somalia and invest its military operations in the new country.

Trump’s move would further destabilize Islamic militancy in the region. Rebel groups are still frustrating.

As an added bonus, recognizing Somaliland would irritate Congresswoman Ilhan Omar (D-Somalia) and her fellow progressive “anti-colonialist” adherents, who has pledged to stop further independence efforts from the breakaway region.

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There are some concerns from national leaders and power brokers in Africa and throughout the rest of the world. If President Trump recognizes this separated region, how will the other separatist groups in Africa, Europe, and elsewhere respond? They will start clamoring for recognition, fire up their military operations, and engage in more subversive tactics to undermine their home countries. Recognizing one stable region could lead to more instability?

Trump and other nations can navigate these concerns fairly easily. Somaliland has already established much of the key infrastructure needed for any country to stand on its own.

Somaliland is an independent state, in contrast to the relentless dysfunction and destruction of the Republic of Somalia. Many breakaway militias and separatist groups in other regions around the world do not have similar infrastructures in place. Aside from diligent partisans who hold meetings dreaming of their own separate country, the widespread separatist groups don’t have anything else in place.

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Trump could ally all fears by saying to other regions clamoring for independent recognition (Catalonia, Eastern Ukraine, Gaza, and Judea and Samaria): “When you can build yourself up to be an independent state like Somaliland (with currency, military, and stable elections) in all but official recognition, give us a call.” If Trump makes the Somaliland announcement this year, thirty-four years will have passed since the region broke away from Somalia as a whole.

Trump could joke that other budding nations should take the same length of time!

Nation-building can work in our favor if it doesn’t cost us anything. This opportunity is too good to pass up, and President Biden refused to take advantage of something so easy to accomplish. Of course, no one respected him (not even his own staff, who did most of the governing). President Trump needs to step out and help establish the self-rule of this region.

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Arthur C. Schaper is a blogger, writer, and commentator on topics both timeless and timely; political, cultural, and eternal. A life-long Southern California resident, Arthur currently lives in Torrance.

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Opinion

When Envy Becomes a Disease: Somalia’s Sick Obsession with Somaliland

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If you ever wondered why Somalia remains arguably the worst-governed country on Earth after 30 years of turmoil, look no further than the leaders who have run the show for the past two decades. It’s no secret—Somalia’s political class is suffering from a mental disorder that might best be called the “Somaliland Syndrome.”

This affliction manifests as an obsessive, pathological envy of Somaliland’s success, coupled with an absolute inability to replicate any of it.

While Somaliland quietly builds peace, stable governance, and economic progress, Somalia’s leaders appear trapped in a delusional loop, fixated on erasing Somaliland rather than improving their own failed system. Their diagnosis? “Somaliland is the disease. If only we could destroy it, everything would be fine.” Reality? Somaliland’s stability is the cure Somalia desperately needs.

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This sickness explains a lot: rampant corruption, terrorist infiltration, foreign puppeteering, and endless power struggles are just symptoms.

The Somali state’s leadership—most glaringly the Himilo Qaran political party led by former President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed—is the textbook case.

Here you have a man once tied to the Islamic Courts Union and arguably the spiritual father of Al-Shabaab, now championing national unity and elections. The irony could not be thicker.

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How can a leader with “Somaliland Syndrome”—who spends more time fixating on Somaliland republic that has nothing to do with him—preside over a system so thoroughly entwined with terrorist groups and corruption? It’s like a sick man lecturing the healthy on how to run a marathon.

The recent clashes in Gedo—where the federal government’s forces face off with Jubbaland militias—highlight this dysfunction.

Himilo Qaran shamelessly blames Mogadishu for “escalating” violence, yet fails to acknowledge that the very government it opposes is the only entity attempting to assert order over a fractured state. Instead, it warns of “enemies approaching Mogadishu,” as if Somalia’s greatest enemy isn’t internal chaos and kleptocracy.

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And who is behind these “enemies”? The party’s leadership has long been entangled with forces that either flirt with or actively support militant Islamism. It’s no surprise they decry federal military deployments as “political,” while using rhetoric that fans division.

Somalia’s government, meanwhile, accuses Jubbaland leader Ahmed Madobe of launching “criminal attacks” to resist federal authority. This tit-for-tat violence reflects a failed system where regional warlords operate as de facto rulers, and central governance is a fragile illusion.

So while Somaliland invests in governance, infrastructure, and diplomacy, Somalia remains mired in “Somaliland Syndrome,” a deadly cocktail of denial, envy, and self-destruction. The rest of the world watches, bemused and horrified, as Somalia’s political class preaches about elections while their country falls apart.

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The bitter truth is that Somalia’s political sickness will only be cured by acknowledging Somaliland’s success—not by vilifying it. Until then, expect more chaos, more terrorism, and more tragic irony from a leadership too sick to heal their own nation.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect WARYATV’s editorial stance.

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Maritime Security

Somaliland’s Maritime Awakening in the Gulf of Aden

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Securing the Gulf of Aden: Somaliland’s Strategic Maritime Role.

As global maritime chokepoints grow increasingly volatile, Somaliland—a quiet but stable actor along the Gulf of Aden—stands at the threshold of regional leadership in maritime security. With piracy, illicit trafficking, and sabotage returning to regional waters, the time for Somaliland to rise as a maritime guardian is now.

Somaliland controls a critical stretch of the Gulf, where over 20,000 commercial vessels pass annually. Unlike neighboring states mired in instability, Somaliland’s democratic governance and functional institutions position it uniquely to lead on security. But leadership requires strategy.

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A Somaliland Maritime Security Strategy would focus on four pillars: regional coordination, advanced surveillance, a national maritime policy, and international engagement. Satellite tracking, drone monitoring, legal reform, and multinational exercises are no longer optional—they’re essential.

The world cannot afford to overlook this under-recognized actor. Somaliland’s role in securing sea lanes can deliver ripple effects far beyond its shores—from reducing insurance costs for global shippers to deterring terrorist threats along the Horn of Africa.

In the era of asymmetric threats, Somaliland’s emergence as a maritime power may be the stabilizing force the region urgently needs.

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By Mahad Ahmed
Independent Maritime Security Advisor, Hargeisa, Somaliland
📧 mahaddayr@gmail.com

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Opinion

Experts Are Fleeing Irro’s Government — Somaliland’s Reform Dream Is Dying

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Inside the quiet collapse of meritocracy in Somaliland: why top talent is rejecting the Irro administration and what it means for the country’s future.

In the first months of President Abdirahman Irro’s administration, hope ran high. But now, beneath the polished speeches and reform promises, a quieter crisis is brewing — and it’s happening where it hurts most: the government’s ability to attract capable, trusted professionals.

Insiders and analysts point to a troubling trend: highly educated, internationally experienced Somalilanders are refusing offers to join Irro’s team. Not because they oppose reform — but because they no longer believe this government can deliver it. As one source bluntly put it, “The people working in the Somaliland government are not those who can be integrated at this time.”

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At the heart of the problem lies a decades-old flaw: tribal favoritism, wrapped in the illusion of power-sharing. For years, politicians have appointed friends, cousins, and loyalists over experts. Now, it’s catching up to them. Irro — elected in part as a technocrat and reformer — has reportedly reached out to multiple qualified figures to inject credibility into his administration. But one by one, they’ve said no.

And the refusals aren’t silent. Whispers are growing louder: that Irro’s administration is “unsalvageable” unless a total overhaul is done. Some say a reshuffle is coming. Others argue it’s already too late.

This resistance reflects a broader disillusionment with how power is used in Somaliland — not to build a future, but to enrich the connected few. The result? A growing gap between Somaliland’s deep talent pool abroad and a stagnant government at home.

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Critics warn that if Irro doesn’t move fast — and radically — to bring in people of skill rather than clan, he may go down not as a reformer, but as a missed opportunity. A president surrounded by yes-men while his country drifts.

The risk isn’t just political. It’s existential. Without competence, there’s no economic policy, no international lobbying, no real progress toward recognition. A government built on tribal currency can’t buy global legitimacy. And it certainly can’t build roads, schools, or credibility.

If Irro wants to be remembered as more than a transitional figure, the time for soft talk is over. He must confront the system that threatens to swallow his legacy — or be buried by it.

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Isir Warsame
isir.warsame@gmail.com

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect WARYATV’s editorial stance

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Opinion

The West Fears It’s Losing Somaliland – OpEd

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By: Saleban Omar –

For over three decades, Somaliland has stood as one of Africa’s most stable, democratic, and self-governed nations. Since reasserting its 1960 independence in 1991, it has maintained peace, held multiple elections, and functioned with more transparency and order than many internationally recognized states. And yet, it remains unrecognized. Not because it lacks legitimacy. But because the West – the very powers that claim to champion democracy and self-determination – have chosen to keep Somaliland chained in a neocolonial limbo.

Somalilanders must now ask the uncomfortable but necessary question: Why has the West done everything but reward our success? Why do the so-called champions of democracy ignore the African country that most closely reflects their values? The answer is harsh but clear: because an independent Somaliland governed by its own interests does not serve Western strategic control.

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In the name of “development assistance,” the West has propped up leaders who sabotage the will of the people. In the name of “stability,” it has kept Somaliland tethered to failed institutions in Mogadishu. In the name of “partnership,” it has refused to recognize Somaliland while exploiting its geostrategic location for military and intelligence operations. And in the name of “democracy,” it has empowered elites who serve foreign agendas, not Somalilanders.

Across the continent, Africa is waking up. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have rejected the chains of Western-backed ECOWAS. Ethiopia is asserting its sovereign interest. And BRICS is rising as a force of multipolarity, offering African nations new options — investment without strings, trade without coercion, and partnership without puppet strings. Somaliland must look east.

China, India, and Russia offer Somaliland the very thing the West has refused for 30 years: respect. They do not demand we surrender our sovereignty in exchange for aid. They do not treat us like passive recipients of charity. They recognize the right of every nation to pursue its own path. Somaliland’s partnership with Taiwan was brave and symbolic — but it has come at a cost. China’s retaliation is real. And Taiwan, diplomatically isolated itself, lacks the power to shield us from Beijing’s pressure.

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So what has the West given us? Broken promises. Media narratives that frame us as a disputed region rather than the democratic state we are. And a silent veto on any leader who dares to challenge their monopoly.

The irony is brutal: the smartest, most resilient people in the Horn of Africa are denied their future by the very powers that once protectorate them. Somalilanders have built a country from nothing. But our greatest resource – our independence of thought – has become a threat to the global order.

It’s time for a new doctrine. Let us stop begging for Western acceptance. Let us stop letting clandestine networks pick leaders who don’t serve the people. Let us embrace multipolarity and pivot toward the East, toward allies who will treat us as equals.

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Somaliland must chart its own future — not through Western favor, but through strategic autonomy. The world is changing. The age of one superpower is over. And Somaliland must not be the last to realize it.

Saleban Omar
Saleban Omar is a PhD in philosophy from University of Hargeisa, two masters degrees and an abiding passion for what is in Somaliland’s best interest.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect WARYATV’s editorial stance

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