Somalia
Who are Somalia’s al-Shabab?
Who are al-Shabab?
Al-Shabab means The Youth in Arabic.
It emerged as the radical youth wing of Somalia’s now-defunct Union of Islamic Courts, which controlled Mogadishu in 2006, before being forced out by Ethiopian forces.
There are numerous reports of foreign jihadists going to Somalia to help al-Shabab, from neighbouring countries, as well as the US and Europe.
It is banned as a terrorist group by both the US and the UK and is believed to have between 7,000 and 9,000 fighters.
Al-Shabab advocates the Saudi-inspired Wahhabi version of Islam, while most Somalis are Sufis.
It has imposed a strict version of Sharia in areas under its control, including stoning to death women accused of adultery and amputating the hands of thieves.
What drives al-Shabab?
What are its links to other jihadists?
In a joint video released in February 2012, then al-Shabab leader Ahmed Abdi Godane said he “pledged obedience” to al-Qaeda head Ayman al-Zawahiri.
There have also been numerous reports that al-Shabab may have formed some links with other militant groups in Africa, such as Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, based in the Sahara desert.
Al-Shabab debated whether to switch allegiance to the Islamic State (IS) group after it emerged in January 2014.
It eventually rejected the idea, resulting in a small faction breaking away.
Al-Shabab is currently led by Ahmad Umar, also known as Abu Ubaidah.
The US has issued a $6m (£4.5m) reward for information leading to his capture.
Al-Shabab wants IS to back off
How dangerous is the group?
Somalia’s government blamed it for the killing of at least 500 people in a huge truck bombing in the capital Mogadishu in October 2017. It was East Africa’s deadliest bombing. Al-Shabab, however, did not claim responsibility for it.
It did confirm carrying out a massive attack on a Kenyan military base in Somalia’s el-Ade town in January 2016, killing, according to Somalia’s then-President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, about 180 soldiers. The Kenyan military disputed the number, but refused to give a death toll.
It has also staged several attacks in Kenya, including the 2015 massacre at Kenya’s Garissa University, near the border with Somalia.
A total of 148 people died when gunmen stormed the university at dawn and targeted Christian students..
In 2013, its gunmen stormed the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi, resulting in a siege which left at least 67 people dead.
During the 2010 football World Cup final between Spain and the Netherlands, it bombed a rugby club and a restaurant in Uganda’s capital Kampala, killing 74 people watching the match.
How much of Somalia does al-Shabab control?
Although it has lost control of most towns and cities, it still dominates in many rural areas.
It was forced out of the capital, Mogadishu, in August 2011 following an offensive spearheaded by about 22,000 African Union (AU) troops, and left the vital port of Kismayo in September 2012.
The loss of Kismayo has hit al-Shabab’s finances, as it used to earn money by taking a cut of the city’s lucrative charcoal trade.
The US has also carried out a wave of air strikes, which led to the killing of the group’s leader, Aden Hashi Ayro, in 2008 and his successor, Ahmed Abdi Godane.
In March 2017, US President Donald Trump approved a Pentagon plan to escalate operations against al-Shabab.
The US has more than 500 troops in Somalia and conducted 30 airstrikes in 2017, more than four times the average number carried out in the previous seven years, according to The Washington Post.
Although the military operations are weakening al-Shabab, the group is still able to carry out suicide attacks and has regained control of some towns.
The AU is reducing its troop presence – about 1,000 have left and a further 1,000 are due to leave in 2018.
This follows a cut in funding by the European Union (EU), amid allegations of corruption within the AU force, made up of troops from Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti.
What is happening in Somalia?
Somalia has not had an effective national government for more than 20 years, during which much of the country has been a war-zone.
Al-Shabab gained support by promising people security. But its credibility was knocked when it rejected Western food aid to combat a 2011 drought and famine.
With Mogadishu and other towns now under government control, there is a feeling of optimism and many Somalis have returned from exile, bringing their money and skills with them.
Basic services such as street lighting, dry cleaning and rubbish collection have resumed in the capital.
But Somalia is still too dangerous and divided to hold democratic elections – the last one was in 1969.
So, its parliament and president are elected through a complex system, with clan elders playing an influential role in the process.
A fake email. A diverted bank transfer. Nearly €70,000 stolen from an EU mission in Somalia — now a prison sentence follows.
A Spanish citizen has been sentenced to three years in prison for impersonating a service provider to the European Union Capacity Building Mission in Somalia in order to fraudulently obtain funds, following an investigation by the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) in Madrid.
The case involved funds allocated to EUCAP Somalia, a mission tasked with supporting the Federal Somali Police Force and strengthening maritime security and law enforcement capabilities in Somalia.
According to prosecutors, on December 27, 2022, the defendant sent an email to the EU mission posing as a legitimate supplier of medical and laboratory equipment. In the message, he requested that the next scheduled payment be transferred to a different bank account — one under his control.
Authorities said he had obtained key operational details from an unidentified third party, enabling him to execute the fraud. On January 9, 2023, €69,751.40 was transferred into the account he controlled.
In addition to the three-year prison sentence, Criminal Chamber Two of Spain’s Audiencia Nacional imposed a fine calculated at €10 per day for 10 months. The court also ordered the defendant to reimburse the full amount unlawfully obtained.
The verdict, issued on February 9, 2026, marks the first conviction handed down by a Criminal Chamber of the Audiencia Nacional following an EPPO investigation in Madrid. The ruling remains subject to appeal.
The EPPO is the European Union’s independent prosecution office, responsible for investigating and prosecuting crimes affecting the EU’s financial interests.
Ankara says “stability.” Somaliland sees risk. The Horn of Africa is entering a new strategic chapter — and the stakes are rising fast.
When Turkish warships docked in Mogadishu, alongside reports of F-16 fighter jet deliveries and offshore drilling plans, the signal was unmistakable: Ankara is deepening its footprint in Somalia. For Somaliland — whose collective memory still carries the trauma of the 1988 bombardment of Hargeisa by the regime of Siad Barre — the optics alone are unsettling. Military expansion in Mogadishu is rarely viewed as defensive. It is viewed through history.
Yet a sober assessment of the Turkey–Somalia defense and economic framework suggests a more complex reality. Turkey is unlikely to launch — or support — an offensive campaign against Somaliland. The strategic costs would be immense.
As a key member of NATO, Ankara positions itself as a regional stabilizer, not a proxy combatant in Somalia’s internal territorial disputes. An unprovoked escalation against a relatively stable and democratic territory with informal ties to the United Kingdom, the UAE and Ethiopia would undermine Turkey’s diplomatic standing at a time when it seeks influence across Africa and the Red Sea corridor.
Economics also act as a restraint. Turkey’s maritime doctrine — often described as the “Blue Homeland” — prioritizes sea lanes, energy access and trade routes. A regional war would jeopardize precisely the offshore prospects and shipping stability Ankara hopes to cultivate. Investors do not drill in active conflict zones.
Ethiopia further complicates any military calculus. Somaliland’s memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia creates a deterrent layer Ankara cannot ignore. Turkey maintains significant economic and defense ties with Addis Ababa; it is unlikely to risk indirect confrontation over Mogadishu’s maximalist claims.
Still, the danger lies less in intent than in imbalance. Advanced aircraft in a fragile security environment introduce new variables. Even if initially deployed against Al-Shabaab, the capability itself alters regional power equations. History in Somalia has shown how quickly state assets can be redirected.
Maritime cooperation carries similar risks. If Turkish-trained Somali naval units patrol waters claimed by Somaliland — particularly near the vital Berbera corridor — even minor incidents could escalate into diplomatic crises.
The most combustible element may be energy exploration. Should Turkish drilling vessels operate in offshore blocks Somaliland considers within its jurisdiction, a commercial venture could morph into a sovereignty dispute with international implications.
Turkey is not preparing an invasion. It is consolidating influence — military, economic and maritime — in a strategically vital region. For Somaliland, the challenge is not alarmism but strategy: direct engagement with Ankara, stronger regional integration with Ethiopia, and early internationalization of maritime boundary concerns.
In the Horn of Africa, power shifts rarely announce themselves loudly. They unfold quietly — until they don’t.
A passenger aircraft operated by Starsky Airline crashed on Tuesday at Aden Adde International Airport shortly after takeoff, but all passengers and crew survived, Somali aviation officials said.
The plane was en route to Galkayo when it suffered a technical malfunction immediately after departure, forcing the pilot to attempt an emergency return to Mogadishu.
The Somali Civil Aviation Authority confirmed that everyone on board was safely evacuated and that there were no fatalities.
“The pilot tried to land the aircraft back in Mogadishu, but after touchdown he was unable to maintain control,” said Ahmed Moalim Hassan, director general of the authority. “The aircraft overshot the runway and came close to the shoreline. There were no casualties.”
Initial reports indicated around 50 passengers were on board. Emergency teams responded quickly and evacuated all occupants.
Aviation officials said an investigation is under way to determine the exact cause of the crash.
The incident adds to concerns about aviation safety at Aden Adde Airport. In April last year, a UN-chartered aircraft made a belly landing at the same airport after its landing gear failed to deploy.
United States to Permanently End Aid to Somalia After Government Destroys U.S.-Donated Food.
The collapse of Somalia’s aid relationship with the United States is no longer hypothetical — it is now policy.
Washington is moving to permanently end U.S. assistance to the Somali Federal Government after authorities in Mogadishu demolished a World Food Programme (WFP) emergency warehouse containing 76 metric tons of U.S.-donated food, a decision approved at the highest levels of government. According to a U.S. diplomatic cable, the destruction likely rendered the food unusable and directly violated donor agreements and UN diplomatic protocols.
This was not a technical mishap. It was a sovereign decision taken without coordination with the United States, the WFP, or other international donors — and it has triggered consequences Somalia can no longer deflect or delay.
The State Department has already paused all assistance benefiting the Somali Federal Government, making clear that accountability and compensation were prerequisites for any resumption. According to senior U.S. officials, that resumption is now off the table entirely, with all U.S. aid expected to end permanently by May.
The implications are severe. U.S. assistance has been a financial and operational backbone for Somalia’s government — from food security and humanitarian relief to institutional support and logistics. Losing it permanently signals not just donor fatigue, but a complete breakdown in trust.
Equally damaging is the international signal. The United Nations World Food Programme has formally classified the demolition as a breach of UN diplomatic protocols, placing Somalia in direct violation of the norms that underpin humanitarian access worldwide. This risks contagion: other donors may follow Washington’s lead rather than assume similar political or reputational exposure.
At a moment when Mogadishu is already diplomatically isolated, struggling with internal legitimacy, and dependent on external support, this decision reinforces a growing perception among partners that the federal leadership is unpredictable, unaccountable, and hostile even to lifesaving aid.
This is no longer about food destroyed at a port. It is about a government that has crossed a red line with its most critical donor — and is now learning that international patience has limits.
Jealousy in Villa Somalia: Hassan Sheikh’s War Against Somaliland’s Democracy.
Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has become a prisoner of his own jealousy. Two years into his second term, he has turned Villa Somalia into a war room not against al-Shabaab, famine, or corruption — but against Somaliland’s democracy.
It is the bitter irony of Mogadishu politics: Somaliland has what Hassan Sheikh craves but cannot build. Elections, functioning institutions, stability — the very pillars of a state. And each time Hargeisa strengthens its democracy, Hassan Sheikh’s insecurity deepens. Instead of fixing Somalia’s crumbling foundations, he wastes his energy trying to sabotage Somaliland’s international rise.
Diplomats whisper of a leader consumed by comparison. When Somaliland engages Ethiopia, he panics. When Congress debates travel advisories, he rages. When Somaliland’s army parades discipline, he lashes out with propaganda. It is envy in plain sight.
Meanwhile, Somalia under Hassan Sheikh has become what critics call “Somalia, Inc.” — a company run on begging contracts and aid trips. He has circled the globe signing pledges with Qatar, Turkey, and Egypt, but what has it delivered? More debt, more dependency, and more humiliation. He acts like a traveling salesman while Mogadishu rots under insecurity and corruption.
And yet, he keeps returning to his favorite target: Somaliland. His strategy is one of projection — blame Somaliland, block Somaliland, bury Somaliland. But the more he tries, the more the world notices Hargeisa’s difference. Somaliland is not perfect, but next to Mogadishu’s chaos, it shines.
This obsession is Hassan Sheikh’s fatal flaw. It exposes his weakness, isolates his diplomacy, and leaves Somalia unprepared for the storms ahead. Ethiopia is openly discussing Red Sea access. Egypt and Eritrea are arming Somalia’s fragile government. Al-Shabaab still controls swathes of land. Yet Villa Somalia’s energy is wasted on fighting a neighbor that long ago outpaced it.
The humiliation runs deeper. By attacking Somaliland, Hassan Sheikh admits — without saying it — that Somaliland is real. If it were not, why fear it? Why obsess over it? Why chase every foreign leader to block recognition? His jealousy has become Mogadishu’s foreign policy, and it is destroying him.
And here is the grim prediction: the president after him will be worse. If Somalia survives Hassan Sheikh’s term, it will inherit a broken state, an isolated diplomacy, and an army of resentments. Somaliland, meanwhile, will march on.
Whistleblower reveals President and Speaker approved secret deal granting Turkey control over 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas — triggering calls of betrayal and neo-colonialism.
“90% Giveaway”: Somalia’s Oil Surrender to Turkey Sparks Outrage in Parliament
A Somali MP has exposed explosive claims implicating the President and Speaker in a secret oil deal with Turkey that hands 90% of Somalia’s hydrocarbon wealth to Ankara. National sovereignty and political accountability now hang in the balance.
The Federal Parliament of Somalia has been rocked by an explosive declaration from MP Dr. Abdillahi Hashi Abib, who publicly accused President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Speaker Sheikh Adan Madobe of surrendering 90% of Somalia’s oil and gas wealth to Turkey in a secretive deal that he claims undermines the very sovereignty of the nation.
Standing before the House of the People, Dr. Hashi, a respected member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, revealed that a whistleblower from inside Villa Somalia had furnished him with credible documentation showing both the President and Speaker gave their approval to a deeply controversial hydrocarbons agreement that grants Turkey the lion’s share of Somalia’s natural resources — leaving the Somali people with only a token 10%.
He further disclosed that the President is reported to have defended the lopsided agreement as being “in the best interest of the nation,” a justification that Dr. Hashi forcefully condemned as “a veiled act of neo-colonialism.”
But the accusations don’t stop there. Dr. Hashi warned that in the coming days, he will release notarized documents showing that Ziraat Bank of Turkey violated Somali banking laws, operating under the radar with what appears to be unauthorized coordination with the Central Bank of Somalia.
The implications are staggering. If substantiated, this agreement not only strips Somalia of control over its future economic engine but also potentially violates constitutional procedures, sovereignty norms, and economic governance principles.
Dr. Hashi’s rallying cry was blunt:
“Have the President and the Speaker fulfilled their solemn constitutional oaths to safeguard the interests and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia?”
Public outrage is mounting. Many in Mogadishu and the wider Somali diaspora are now calling for an emergency parliamentary investigation. Critics are framing the deal as an act of economic treason—a continuation of foreign domination disguised as partnership.
With his final words, Dr. Hashi warned:
“Stay vigilant. The truth will be revealed.”
The Somali public is waiting — and the storm is just beginning.
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Somalia has condemned Israel in the halls of the United Nations. Its ambassador in New York, Abubakar Osman Baale, branded the recent Israeli strike in Doha as a “direct threat to the sovereignty of Qatar.” Mogadishu’s words were clear and defiant: solidarity with Qatar, denunciation of Israel.
But behind the rhetoric lies a far darker, more immediate truth: Somalia is being strangled by Al-Shabab in the south and ISIS offshoots in Puntland’s rugged north.
And no country has mastered the art of precision counterterror warfare more effectively than Israel.
It is a paradox too sharp to ignore. Somalia rails against Israel in public forums, while in private it struggles to contain one of the deadliest extremist insurgencies in the world. Al-Shabab’s bomb-makers are innovating faster than the Somali National Army can adapt. In the north, ISIS fighters are embedding themselves in mountain redoubts that Somali forces have failed to root out for years.
Billions of dollars in Western aid and years of U.S. drone strikes have not broken these networks. If anything, the insurgencies are learning, dispersing, adapting.
Now imagine an alternative: Israeli Air Force squadrons, the same F-35s that flew undetected to Doha, conducting surgical strikes against Al-Shabab leadership compounds or ISIS caves in Puntland.
Israel’s Shin Bet and Mossad running the kind of intelligence penetration operations in Somalia that they have perfected in Gaza and southern Lebanon.
Israeli cyber units dismantling Al-Shabab’s online propaganda in days, not years. Somalia’s terror problem would look radically different.
The irony is brutal. To attract more global aid, Somalia must demonstrate that it is crushing terrorists. But its own military capacity is stretched thin, and its international partners are fatigued.
A secret partnership with Israel would be the most effective military shortcut available. Yet Somalia’s leadership clings to its anti-Israel posture, repeating pan-Arab talking points while jihadists tighten their grip inside its own borders.
History suggests this contradiction cannot last. If Mogadishu continues condemning Israel while failing to deliver security, international patience will run out. Already, Western capitals view Somalia as an endless sinkhole of aid, corruption, and unfinished battles.
At some point, leaders in Washington, London, and even the Gulf will quietly ask: why not let Israel do in Somalia what it has done everywhere else—hunt terrorists with ruthless precision?
The prediction is stark: Somalia will face a moment of reckoning. Either it doubles down on public hostility toward Israel and risks watching its territory further consumed by jihadists, or it swallows political pride and quietly courts the very air force it now condemns.
The reality is that no country, not even the United States, has Israel’s unique blend of operational daring, intelligence depth, and battlefield efficiency.
For Somalia, the war against Al-Shabab and ISIS may ultimately be won—or lost—not in Mogadishu’s speeches at the UN, but in whether it can overcome its own political taboos and accept help from the one air force capable of rewriting its security map.
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No exceptions. No uniforms off duty. Mogadishu enforces the rules ahead of elections.
Somali police have arrested 11 soldiers in Mogadishu for carrying weapons illegally while off duty, as authorities intensify security enforcement ahead of local council elections.
In a statement, the Banadir Regional Police Command said the detained soldiers violated standing security directives that prohibit off-duty personnel from moving around the capital while armed. The rule is part of broader efforts to reduce civilian risk and prevent unauthorized use of weapons in public spaces.
“The 11 suspects are currently in police custody and will be referred to the appropriate court to ensure compliance with the law and to take the necessary legal measures,” the police command said.
Officials described the arrests as part of a wider campaign to strengthen public security in Mogadishu, where security agencies have renewed enforcement of previously issued orders banning off-duty officers from carrying firearms.
The operation comes as Somalia prepares for local council elections scheduled for Thursday, December 25. Security agencies have announced heightened readiness, with nearly 10,000 police officers deployed to secure polling stations and key locations across the capital.
Speaking to the media, Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail (Farataag), Somalia’s Minister of Internal Security, said the Somali Police Force has finalized comprehensive security plans to ensure the elections are conducted peacefully, safely, and fairly.
Authorities say the enforcement drive sends a clear message that security rules apply to all personnel, regardless of rank, as Mogadishu enters a sensitive political period.
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