Leaked reports reveal Chinese security companies expanding across Africa unchecked, fueling fears of future proxy wars and growing CCP influence.

From left Somalia Ambassador to China Drs Hodan Osman –

China’s Private Armies Expanding Across Africa Without Control

Africa is under silent siege — not by armies in uniform, but by private Chinese guns operating in the shadows.

A leaked report reveals that Chinese “private security companies” (PSCs) are expanding rapidly across Africa, operating in a dangerous legal gray zone, without international oversight, and with direct ties to Beijing’s military apparatus.

Despite the name, these PSCs are anything but private.

They are packed with ex-PLA and People’s Armed Police operatives — soldiers of the Chinese Communist Party under corporate cover.
Their mission: to protect Beijing’s $50 billion Belt and Road investments and quietly entrench Chinese control without ever raising a national flag.

Between 2007 and 2020, China poured $23 billion into African infrastructure. Now, wherever these projects rise, PSC forces follow — shielding mines, ports, railroads, and political assets with a private army Beijing can deny owning.

Analysts warn the PSCs are fast blurring the line into private military companies (PMCs) — the same kind of shadow forces that destabilized countries like Libya and Sudan.

Already, Chinese contractors have been caught involved in armed operations in Sudan’s civil war zones and South Sudan’s conflict corridors.

Weapons bans under Chinese law are a joke.
The PSCs simply hire local militias, fueling tribal conflicts and corrupting fragile states — a tactic that security experts call “taking sides with guns and money.”

Shootouts involving Chinese security contractors have already erupted in Eastern Somaliland, Kenya, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe — a glimpse into a darker future where Beijing’s shadow armies spark wars it never officially fights.

Human rights abuses, sovereignty violations, and violent incidents are now ticking time bombs across the continent.

As China’s hidden legions grow, Africa faces a chilling question:

Who really controls the land, the roads, the resources — and the guns?

Somalia Ambassador to China Drs Hodan Osman

America’s path to rare earth security and strategic independence runs through an unlikely but willing partner: Somaliland.

The United States is dangerously dependent on China for the critical minerals that power everything from smartphones to missiles. Beijing controls over 85% of global rare earth processing and dominates cobalt, lithium, and other battery metals supply chains. This isn’t just economic imbalance — it’s a national security liability.

But an unexpected opportunity has emerged: Somaliland, a stable, self-governing democracy in the Horn of Africa, is sitting atop a wealth of untapped minerals — and it’s ready to partner with the U.S.

Recent discoveries suggest Somaliland holds significant reserves of lithium, rare earth elements, cobalt, and copper. A Saudi company, Kilomass, has already signed a lithium exploration deal. Taiwan, a U.S. ally, has inked a mining cooperation agreement. And U.S. officials — including Congressman Chris Smith — have publicly called for strategic engagement.

The minerals are there. The momentum is building. What’s missing? American action.

Somaliland offers what few other African nations can: stability, pro-Western alignment, and freedom from Chinese influence. It has no Belt and Road entanglements, no Chinese-funded infrastructure, and no ties to Beijing — thanks in part to its deepening friendship with Taiwan.

Its port city of Berbera, now expanded with UAE investment, provides direct shipping routes to Europe, Asia, and the U.S. With a modern road corridor and a massive free trade zone underway, Somaliland is positioned to become a new minerals hub — if the right partners step in.

Washington must act decisively to seize this opportunity. Here’s how:

• Deploy the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) to provide political risk insurance and early-stage project financing.

• Activate the Export-Import Bank (EXIM) to support U.S. companies supplying mining equipment and services.

• Leverage the Department of Defense to secure rare earth offtake agreements and strategic stockpiles from Somaliland.

• Launch a formal U.S.–Somaliland Critical Minerals Memorandum of Understanding, including joint surveys, capacity-building, and market guarantees.

The benefits are mutual. For Somaliland, such a partnership brings jobs, development, and global legitimacy. For the U.S., it brings secure access to the minerals needed for batteries, chips, weapons, and renewable energy.

More importantly, it sends a global message: The U.S. builds alliances through partnership — not exploitation.

China already knows what’s at stake. It has tried to outflank Somaliland diplomatically and economically, even reportedly stoking instability to deter investment. But Somaliland is resisting. What it needs now is for America to show up.

This isn’t about foreign aid. It’s about strategic self-interest. A single rare earth project in Somaliland could reduce U.S. reliance on Chinese exports by 5–10%. A lithium deal could feed the American battery sector for a decade. That’s the kind of leverage we can’t afford to ignore.

The Pentagon, the Department of Energy, and forward-thinking investors should be planning site visits to Somaliland now. And Congress should give the DFC and EXIM the flexibility they need to back projects in politically sensitive but friendly jurisdictions like this one.

The full details — from security assessments to recommended steps for cooperation — are outlined in a recent waryatv.com report titled “The Horn Fortress: Inside Somaliland’s New Military Empire.” It’s not just about defense anymore — it’s about minerals, money, and strategic survival.

Somaliland is ready. The U.S. must decide: will it lead, or let China win by default?

🔗 Read the full report here:

Breaking China’s Grip: A New U.S.–Somaliland Mining Partnership

When President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) assumed office on December 12, 2024, backed by a resounding mandate of nearly 64% of the vote, it marked a new era for Somaliland—one defined by calculated strategy and an unwavering commitment to securing the nation’s rightful place in the world.

A Leader Playing the Long Game:

Known as the “Silent Strategist,” President Irro brings over three decades of diplomatic experience to the presidency. His leadership is not defined by loud pronouncements but by deliberate action and a deep understanding of global politics. His approach is patient, leveraging long-term strategy to advance Somaliland’s interests. The first 100 days saw focused efforts on internal stabilization, security reforms, and enhancing governance through transparency and accountability—building a strong foundation from which to engage the world.

Building Bridges, Asserting Presence:

President Irro understands that achieving Somaliland’s goals requires proactive engagement. His presence at the 2025 World Governments Summit in Dubai was a clear signal, positioning Somaliland as a bastion of stability and opportunity in the Horn of Africa before global leaders and investors. Strategic partnerships, such as the UAE-backed investment in the Port of Berbera, are being cultivated to boost economic strength and geopolitical significance. Furthermore, the determined push for vital trade agreements, like the potential pact with Ethiopia, demonstrates a drive to reshape regional dynamics in Somaliland’s favor.

National Unity for Global Strength:

Central to President Irro’s vision is the understanding that international recognition and respect are built on internal cohesion and resilience. His calls for unity, vigilance, and national pride are aimed at strengthening the nation psychologically and institutionally. By fostering a unified and determined populace, President Irro is ensuring Somaliland is prepared to meet any challenge and seize every opportunity on its path to universally acknowledged sovereignty.

Under President Irro’s strategic leadership, Somaliland is not merely asking for recognition; it is actively demonstrating its capacity, stability, and indispensable role in the region. It is a nation confidently forging its own destiny, guided by experience, vision, and an unbreakable resolve.

President Irro’s government targets traffic fatalities, civilian force integration, and economic acceleration in Somaliland’s 17th Council of Ministers session.

Somaliland’s 17th Council of Ministers meeting tackled critical national issues—from deadly road accidents and security upgrades to 18 May unity campaigns and economic reform strategies.

In a pivotal closed-door session at the Hargeisa Presidential Palace, Somaliland’s Council of Ministers convened under the leadership of President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro. The message was clear: Somaliland cannot afford complacency—not in its economy, its roads, or its national unity.

The meeting’s top priority? A deadly surge in road accidents now officially classified as a national emergency. Ministers of Interior and Transport reported a dramatic spike in traffic deaths—now surpassing crime as the leading cause of civilian casualties. The Cabinet swiftly commissioned a nationwide study to dig deep into the roots of this crisis, signaling an era of data-driven reform.

On the economic front, the Finance Ministry unveiled promising news: domestic revenue collection, particularly from GST, is climbing. A new Economic Strategy Committee is now crafting long-term reforms aimed at economic resilience, independence, and investment appeal.

Meanwhile, Somaliland’s 34th Independence Anniversary looms, and it won’t be business as usual. This year’s theme, “Through Unity, We Achieve Victory,” echoes President Irro’s broader vision of solidarity across clans, sectors, and regions. A revitalized civic engagement program will roll out during the 18 May celebrations to ignite national pride.

Also highlighted was a major leap in public sector transparency: the government’s first 100-day performance report will be released in multiple formats to reach every corner of the population. Biometric registration of armed forces personnel has also been launched—modernizing defense infrastructure and tightening national discipline.

From fishing sector development in Salel to the near-completion of civilian force integration in key frontier regions, Irro’s administration is making one thing clear: this government isn’t here to manage decline—it’s here to engineer a national renaissance.

Leadership struggle, clan rifts, and unconfirmed sabotage allegations threaten to destroy Kulmiye after its crushing 2024 election defeat.

Somaliland’s once-dominant Kulmiye party faces existential collapse after a disastrous election loss. Leadership battles, clan divides, and allegations of sabotage by Waddani deepen the crisis. Will Kulmiye survive?

Kulmiye, the party that once ruled Somaliland for over a decade, is now gripped by internal warfare. Defeated in the 2024 elections, humiliated by finishing third, and blindsided by the rise of the KAAH party, Kulmiye has entered a death spiral that eerily echoes the collapse of UDUB in 2010. And this time, the threat isn’t external — it’s self-inflicted.

At the heart of the storm is Chairman Mohamed Kaahin Ahmed, a former Interior Minister blamed by party factions for the electoral debacle. They accuse him of clinging to power, despite being out of touch, politically fatigued, and lacking the mandate to lead the opposition. Some demand his resignation; others demand he be ousted by force.

But this isn’t just about leadership. This is about identity — and the dangerous fracture lines of clan politics. Kaahin, like the chairmen of Waddani and KAAH, hails from the “east of Burco” region. That’s three major parties, three leaders, one clan. For many within Kulmiye, that’s a red line. The fear: if Kulmiye doesn’t diversify its leadership now, it will become a tribal relic, incapable of rallying national support in a deeply regionalized political landscape.

And then there’s the whisper war. Unconfirmed but widely discussed rumors accuse Waddani of playing divide-and-destroy, allegedly weaponizing former Kulmiye insiders to destabilize the party from within. Whether true or not, the paranoia alone is inflaming tensions and eroding trust.

Inside the party, radical voices are rising. Hardliners want Kaahin removed by any means necessary. Moderates warn that if the party doesn’t reform, it will disintegrate. But all agree on one thing: Kulmiye is out of time.

History is knocking. Just like UDUB, which disintegrated after losing power to Kulmiye 15 years ago, Kulmiye now risks becoming another cautionary tale in Somaliland’s political graveyard. If it cannot resolve its leadership crisis, heal its clan fractures, and fight off internal sabotage, its legacy will end not in opposition, but in oblivion.

Report: Analysis of the Internal Conflict within Somaliland’s Kulmiye Party

Hargeisa hosts historic cultural conference as President Irro pushes for a revival of identity and values.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro

President Irro opens Somaliland’s first national cultural summit, declaring a new era of heritage, ethics, and unity in Hargeisa. WARYATV unpacks the deeper political message. 

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro

“Culture is the soul of our nation,” Irro proclaimed, framing the summit not as nostalgia but as resistance. Resistance against globalization, tribal division, and political amnesia.

Held at the Mansoor Hotel and orchestrated by the Ministry of Information, Culture, and National Guidance, the summit is more than a celebration. It’s a battleground of ideas, with artists, elders, scholars, and poets summoned to wrestle with the social fragmentation creeping into Somaliland’s rapidly urbanizing society.

President Irro’s arrival is pictured, with (from left) Hargeisa Mayor Mooge, Governor Adad, Security Minister Abdalla, and Information Minister Ahmed Yasin present to welcome him

Nine themes form the backbone of the summit: from tribalism and modernity to childrearing and politics. This is cultural repair work at a national level—a recognition that Somaliland’s resilience must come not only from its economy or diplomacy, but from its ethical memory.

Irro’s keynote was less political speech and more national sermon. He spoke of poetry as historical resistance, of ancestral wisdom as an intellectual framework, and of cultural pride as an antidote to imported confusion. In an era where identity is weaponized, this summit is Irro’s answer to moral dislocation.

But there’s a sharp political undercurrent: as Somaliland waits for recognition, it’s also defining what, exactly, it wants the world to recognize. This summit isn’t just about heritage. It’s about narrative power.

WARYATV sees this as the start of a wider cultural doctrine. If Somaliland can’t yet redraw political borders on a map, it can redraw the soul of its society—with language, law, ethics, and art.

Let others debate borders. Somaliland is defining what it means to be a nation.

Legacy isn’t given. It’s authored.

Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr), Spokesman for the President of the Republic of Somaliland

Analysis of the Post-Election Crisis in the Kulmiye Party. 

Somaliland’s political landscape underwent a significant shift following the November 2024 elections. The Kulmiye party, after 14 years of political dominance, suffered a major electoral setback, finishing in a distant third place. The Waddani party secured victory and formed the new government, while a new political force, the KAAH party, also emerged strongly. This report analyzes the escalating internal conflict within the Kulmiye party, examining its causes, key factions, contributing factors, and potential consequences, based on recent developments reported from the party’s headquarters in Hargeisa. Public perception, as noted by observers like WARYATV, increasingly views the party as being on the brink of serious conflict and potential collapse.

2. The Core Dispute: Leadership and Accountability

The immediate trigger for the current open conflict is the question of the party’s leadership, specifically the future of Chairman Mohamed Kaahin Ahmed, who served as the Minister of Interior in the previous Kulmiye government. The party’s poor electoral performance has catalyzed demands for change at the top. Several distinct arguments fuel the push to replace Kaahin:

• Accountability for Defeat: One significant faction directly blames Chairman Kaahin’s leadership for the party’s electoral failure. They argue that responsibility for the poor results lies with him, necessitating his removal to allow for renewal and a change in direction.
• Capacity and Age: Another line of argument suggests that Mr. Kaahin, described as an “old man,” may no longer possess the necessary energy or capacity to effectively lead the party, especially in opposition. Proponents of this view advocate for him to step aside and rest.
• Legitimacy of Tenure: A further point raised is that Kaahin’s chairmanship is perceived by some as temporary or interim. This faction argues that the party requires a properly constituted internal election to select a new, mandated leader to navigate the post-election period.

3. The Clan Dimension: A Deepening Fault Line

The leadership dispute has reportedly fractured the party along clan lines, adding a complex and potentially volatile dimension to the conflict. A key factor highlighted is the geographic and clan affiliation of Chairman Kaahin:

• Mohamed Kaahin Ahmed hails from the “east of Burco” region.
• Critically, the chairmen of the two other major parties – the ruling Waddani party and the new KAAH party – are also reportedly from the same “east of Burco” region and belong to the same clan as Kaahin.
• This concentration of leadership from a single clan and region across all three major political parties is viewed by factions within Kulmiye as politically unsustainable and imbalanced. The argument implies that for Kulmiye to remain a viable national party and effectively challenge the government, it needs leadership that reflects greater regional and clan diversity, setting it apart from the perceived dominance of the “east of Burco” group in the current political constellation. Failure to address this could alienate potential supporters from other regions and clans.

4. Allegations of External Interference (Unconfirmed)

Further complicating the situation are unconfirmed reports suggesting interference from the ruling Waddani party. These reports allege a strategy aimed at exacerbating Kulmiye’s internal divisions:

• It is claimed that Waddani is utilizing former Kulmiye officials who were inactive or even worked against their own party during the crucial 2024 election campaign (without formally resigning).
• The alleged objective is to use these individuals to sow discord and further destabilize Kulmiye from within.
• The strategic motive, according to these reports, is to prevent Kulmiye from regrouping into a strong opposition force, thereby consolidating Waddani’s governmental power with minimal effective challenge. While these remain unconfirmed allegations, their circulation indicates a high level of suspicion and mistrust surrounding the conflict.

5. Internal Radicalism:

The conflict is also characterized by the presence of hardline voices within the party. Reports mention “extremist Kulmiye supporters” who are advocating for the forceful removal or expulsion (“thrown out”) of Chairman Mohamed Kaahin. This indicates a level of internal animosity that could hinder reconciliation efforts.

6. Historical Precedent and Future Outlook: The Shadow of UDUB

Analysts are drawing parallels between Kulmiye’s current predicament and the fate of the UDUB party. UDUB, once Somaliland’s dominant ruling party, similarly faced internal strife and ultimately collapsed, disappearing from the political scene after its defeat by Kulmiye in the 2010 elections.

This historical precedent looms large, fueling fears that Kulmiye could suffer a similar disintegration. The combination of electoral defeat, a bitter leadership struggle, deep-seated clan divisions, and potential external manipulation creates a precarious situation.

7. Conclusion:

The Kulmiye party is facing an existential crisis. The conflict over Chairman Mohamed Kaahin Ahmed’s leadership is merely the focal point for deeper issues of accountability, strategic direction, internal democracy, and crucial questions of clan and regional representation in Somaliland’s politics. Unconfirmed allegations of external interference by the ruling Waddani party add another layer of complexity and potential volatility.

The outcome remains uncertain. However, the intensity of the internal divisions, the emergence of clan-based factions, and the historical precedent of UDUB’s collapse suggest that the Kulmiye party is at a critical juncture. Its ability to manage this leadership transition, address the underlying grievances (particularly regarding clan balance), and unify its base will determine whether it can survive and reconstitute itself as a significant political force or if it will fade from relevance like its predecessor. The coming weeks and months will be crucial for the party’s future.

Loud over logic. Arrogance over insight. This is the true politics of Hargeisa.

The louder the lie, the faster the rise. WARYATV exposes how cognitive bias fuels Somaliland’s dysfunctional power structure.

In Somaliland, politics is theater—and the lead roles go to the loudest fools. Those who know the least, boast the most. Those who should lead? They’re too “quiet,” “complicated,” or “dangerous.”

Psychologists call it the Dunning-Krueger effect—a cognitive bias where incompetents believe they’re geniuses, while true experts doubt themselves. In Somaliland’s halls of power, this effect is a lifestyle.

Think about it: the ministers who can’t explain their own departments. The generals who don’t know maps. The diplomats who’ve never written a policy memo. But they dominate meetings, they charm foreign donors, they get re-appointed. Why? Because they project confidence—not substance.

And the public? Conditioned to mistake noise for leadership.

Even worse: those who dare to think—to propose long-term plans, to challenge clan interests, to reform the ministries—are exiled. Sidelined. Or shamed into silence.

Somaliland doesn’t fail by accident. It fails by design. A design where shouting trumps strategy, and ignorance isn’t just tolerated—it’s weaponized.

WARYATV isn’t here to entertain lies. We’re here to rip the mask off.

Recognition won’t come until merit does. And merit will never rise until fools fall.

It’s not about brains vs. clans. It’s about survival vs. decay.

Somaliland deserves better. The people deserve leaders who can think, not just talk.

Wake up. Demand more. Think loud.

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