Iran’s long-standing strategy of projecting power through regional proxy forces is facing an unexpected strain, as senior Iranian officials acknowledge that the Houthis in Yemen have become increasingly difficult to control and, in some cases, openly defiant.
The revelations, reported by The Telegraph, suggest Tehran is struggling to manage what remains of its once-cohesive “axis of resistance.”
According to a senior Iranian official quoted in the report, the Houthis “have gone rogue” and “do not listen to Tehran as much as they used to.” The official said the breakdown extends beyond Yemen, noting that certain Iranian-backed militias in Iraq are also ignoring directives: “Some groups are acting as if we never had any contact with them.”
The internal frustration highlights a shift that began in April, when tensions rose after Iran failed to respond to heavy U.S. airstrikes targeting Houthi positions.
The lack of retaliation angered Houthi commanders, who had expected Tehran to defend its closest remaining proxy following the collapse of Hamas’ operations in Gaza and the decimation of Hezbollah’s leadership in Lebanon under sustained Israeli military pressure.
Tehran has attempted to reassert control. A senior IRGC commander was recently sent to Sanaa, and Quds Force officer Abdolreza Shahlaei — a high-value U.S. target with a $15 million bounty on his head — has reportedly been redeployed to Yemen to press the group back into alignment. But Iranian officials told The Telegraph that these efforts have yet to succeed.
Iranian influence faltered further as the Houthis tightened their grip on northern Yemen, expanded missile and drone capabilities, and diversified revenue streams.
The group now runs an extensive network that includes tax collection, aid diversion, drug and arms trafficking, and disruptive operations along key Red Sea shipping routes. Its mountainous hideouts continue to shield equipment despite years of U.S. and allied airstrikes, estimated to have cost more than $7 billion.
Former Yemeni diplomat Mahmoud Shehrah told The Telegraph that the Houthi movement is driven primarily by its own ideology rather than external direction. “The Houthis don’t need someone to encourage them.
This is about their beliefs,” he said, emphasizing that the group maintains its own political and religious framework even as coordination with Tehran persists.
Internal reports cited by regional analysts describe rising tensions inside the Houthi leadership itself, with IRGC advisers unable to reconcile factional disputes or strategic disagreements.
The Defense Line report described the Houthis as facing “a crisis of options and priorities,” adding that the group’s behavior increasingly mirrors “the confusion that exists in Tehran.”
Analysts suggest that while Iran and the Houthis share strategic interests — including pressuring U.S. partners and complicating maritime security — their goals are no longer perfectly aligned.
Dr. Bader al-Saif of the University of Kuwait likened the relationship to a franchise model: “Both Iran and the Houthis benefit from working together, but they also have divergent interests. They’ll pursue those interests whenever they see fit.”
The growing disconnect raises new questions about the future of Iran’s regional influence. A network once defined by ideological cohesion and coordinated action now shows signs of fragmentation — at a moment when Tehran is increasingly isolated diplomatically and under pressure from intensified U.S. and regional military operations.
