Editor's Pick
A walk away from city life with the Somali Hikers
Muslim outdoor groups across the UK are claiming their place in the countryside
At 10am on a sweltering Sunday in June, I met up with 40 people at Virginia Water railway station. Our mission: to complete a nine-mile hike through picturesque Surrey villages and Windsor Great Park, with Windsor Castle our final destination.
Brought together by the Leeds-based walking group Somali Hikers, some people came on their own while others brought a friend or two. A few had coordinated with one another via WhatsApp and shared lifts from London, Luton and the Midlands. When the last participants arrived, group leader Mukhtar Adam briefed us on the route, what to expect on our journey and the safety precautions we needed to take. A few nervous chuckles notwithstanding, everyone seemed ready for whatever the next five or six hours had in store.
Setting off, I couldn’t help but notice that many of the walkers were women. Speaking to several of them, I learned that some had previous hiking experience, but the majority were first-timers. What they all shared was a hunger for a new challenge and a desire to make new friends.
Adam launched Somali Hikers in August 2023, taking 17 people to the White Cliffs of Dover. In less than a year, word of the organisation has spread and waiting lists for excursions have grown. Now, Adam organises two trips a month, leading treks through the Peak District, across the Shropshire Hills and along the Seven Sisters Cliffs in Sussex. In August, he will take a group to Mount Snowdon in north Wales.
Adam’s love of hiking began while he was at university in Leeds, with national parks including the Lake District, the Yorkshire Dales and the Peak District on his doorstep. When he later moved to London, he continued to hike regularly but found it difficult to fit in with most organised groups.
“I used to hike with groups made up of predominantly white people,” said Adam. “But it’s not the same as hiking with your own people. The network, the social connections and the banter are all completely different. There’s also the religious aspect as well — those other groups don’t accommodate prayer times.”
Adam took part in a couple of hikes with another Muslim group, but found he was one of the few Black participants. Since starting Somali Hikers, he has discovered that other people had similar problems. As we continued along our route, I saw very few other Black people and barely any visible Muslims.
Research carried out by the Campaign to Protect Rural England in 2021 found that ethnic minorities in the UK tend to have far less access to green space and spend less time in the countryside than their white peers. A 2020 report by the Ramblers walking charity also found that only 1% of visitors to national parks are from BAME backgrounds.
Somali Hikers has quickly developed into a close-knit community, but Adam is keen to make getting out in nature accessible for anyone who wants to join. After every excursion, his wife posts photographs and videos on Instagram and TikTok, which often lead to inquiries from friends and followers. “A lot of UK Somalis have grown up in inner cities, like London and Birmingham, and have never really been to the English countryside,” Adam said. “A lot of young Somali professionals don’t have that escape from the hustle and bustle of life, which is what a lot of our participants are yearning for. They also want to gain the health benefits and networking opportunities from hiking as well. It’s not just a physical challenge, but also a social event too.”
The social benefit of the group was clear as we made our way through Windsor Great Park. People who arrived with friends had separated and formed new bonds with other hikers.
Walking through a stretch of sky-high trees, heading toward the Obelisk pond near the town of Egham, many of us marvelled at the scenery. Hodan Jama, 32, a special educational needs teacher from London, told me it reminded her of her childhood in Sweden. “My backyard was very much like this — green, beautiful nature and animals,” she said. “Now, I have to go and find a park. But you don’t always get the tranquillity and serenity that you can get when being outdoors like this.”
For Saudi Ali, 34, a teacher and mother of two from Hillingdon, west London, finding the time to get out and walk has often proved difficult. Then she discovered Somali Hikers on Instagram.
“I grew up in west London and there just aren’t as many opportunities to be active,” she said. “This is a great way for me to get out, interact with my community and maybe even make new friends. I’d definitely consider doing something like this with my children.”
Somali Hikers is just one of a growing number of organisations focused on opening up the great outdoors for UK Muslims, including The Wanderlust Women and Muslim Hikers.
Bea Young, 28, from Cardiff, launched Muslimah Outdoors in 2022, three months after she converted to Islam. Drawing on her longstanding love of walking and nature, she aims to create more opportunities for Muslim women to get together that are not based around religious gatherings and eating out. To make the group as accessible as possible, Young tries to keep the activities local and overheads low. Participants just contribute to petrol costs to get to hiking destinations and, for group retreats, they pay only for accommodation. In two years, Muslimah Outdoors’ membership has grown from 10 women to 250.
“I didn’t understand why we couldn’t have something local, affordable and completely accessible to the women based here,” Young told me. “Now, we’ve made it clear that, as Muslim women, we belong out on the hills and mountains just like everyone else.”
Back in Surrey, as we neared the end of our 20,000-step journey, the turrets of Windsor Castle loomed into view. Reaching the Long Walk, which leads to the imposing building, we took a break to pray and catch our breath. Aside from a few moans about sore feet and a couple of walkers needing blister plasters, there was a genuine feeling of pride that we had all managed to push through the heat and make it to our destination.
As we recovered in a nearby coffee shop, I heard people who started the day as strangers arranging to share lifts back to the station and helping each other figure out the best routes home. Adam told me that, one day before, the group had hosted an unexpected family reunion. A set of cousins who had not seen each other in five years all signed up to walk the same route as we had, none aware that the others would be there.
“I love what we’ve created here,” Adam said. “There’s a lot of camaraderie, a consistent theme where a lot of people initially come for just the hiking, but they stay for the energy, the community and the friendships. It’s a beautiful thing to see.” To make the group as accessible as possible, Young tries to keep the activities local and overheads low. Participants just contribute to petrol costs to get to hiking destinations and, for group retreats, they pay only for accommodation. In two years, Muslimah Outdoors’ membership has grown from 10 women to 250.
“I didn’t understand why we couldn’t have something local, affordable and completely accessible to the women based here,” Young told me. “Now, we’ve made it clear that, as Muslim women, we belong out on the hills and mountains just like everyone else.”
Back in Surrey, as we neared the end of our 20,000-step journey, the turrets of Windsor Castle loomed into view. Reaching the Long Walk, which leads to the imposing building, we took a break to pray and catch our breath. Aside from a few moans about sore feet and a couple of walkers needing blister plasters, there was a genuine feeling of pride that we had all managed to push through the heat and make it to our destination.
As we recovered in a nearby coffee shop, I heard people who started the day as strangers arranging to share lifts back to the station and helping each other figure out the best routes home. Adam told me that, one day before, the group had hosted an unexpected family reunion. A set of cousins who had not seen each other in five years all signed up to walk the same route as we had, none aware that the others would be there.
“I love what we’ve created here,” Adam said. “There’s a lot of camaraderie, a consistent theme where a lot of people initially come for just the hiking, but they stay for the energy, the community and the friendships. It’s a beautiful thing to see.”
Captured arms spark international uproar as Somalia accused of turning donor aid into tools of regional destabilization.
Somaliland accuses Somalia of sponsoring militia attacks after seizing weapons marked “Federal Government of Somalia.” Regional tensions flare as calls grow for international investigation.
Somaliland’s armed forces have intercepted a cache of military-grade weapons explicitly marked as belonging to the Somali Ministry of Defense. The discovery, made after a firefight in the Dhuurmadare area of eastern Sanaag on April 18, not only proves Somalia’s military fingerprints in the region—it redefines the nature of the conflict.
The wooden boxes didn’t lie: emblazoned with “MINISTRY OF DEFENSE ARMED FORCES – THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA”, and a formal contract number, they obliterate the fiction that Somalia’s arms are strictly used for counterterrorism. Instead, they now appear weaponized for political warfare—against Somaliland.
Somaliland’s Ministry of Defense wasted no time issuing a blistering rebuke, blaming Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre directly for orchestrating the attack, just days after his controversial visit to Las Anod. “This is not a rogue operation—it’s a state-sponsored proxy war,” the statement warned. For a government that boasts over 30 years of democratic stability, the incursion represents a red line.
And it raises uncomfortable questions for international donors.
The U.S., U.K., EU, and other Western allies have long funneled military aid to Somalia under the guise of fighting al-Shabaab—a group that now reportedly operates within striking distance of Mogadishu. But with donor-funded weapons showing up in anti-Somaliland insurgent hands, the credibility of that narrative is cracking.
Experts warn this could trigger a donor reckoning. “This is what happens when there’s no oversight,” one analyst told WARYATV. “Western taxpayers may be unknowingly funding attacks on a peaceful, democratic neighbor.”
Somaliland has called for an urgent international inquiry—and this time, the evidence speaks louder than diplomacy.
After years of entrenchment, ISIS-Somalia’s last major bastion crumbles under Puntland’s offensive.
Puntland’s latest offensive in the Calmiskaad Mountains isn’t just a military success—it’s a symbolic decapitation of ISIS-Somalia’s regional ambitions. By seizing Togga Miraale, the crown jewel of ISIS’s mountain redoubts, Puntland security forces have dismantled what analysts long described as the terror group’s last command node in the region. The caliphate fantasy is over, at least in Puntland.
This wasn’t a victory won overnight. The month-long campaign through treacherous terrain and entrenched positions was a surgical war of attrition. ISIS fighters, once emboldened by their remote stronghold and a steady supply of weapons, were ground down. With captured stockpiles and dislodged militants, Puntland has dealt ISIS a blow from which it may never recover in northeastern Somalia.
This is more than just a win for Puntland. It’s a pivotal shift in the asymmetric war against jihadist movements in the Horn. While Al-Shabaab remains a dominant threat further south, ISIS-Somalia’s collapse exposes the vulnerability of jihadist splinter factions when faced with sustained, locally-led counterterrorism backed by strategic intelligence.
Moreover, this win couldn’t come at a more geopolitically significant time. As Somalia reels from recent setbacks—including the fall of Aadan Yabaal to Al-Shabaab—Puntland’s success highlights a stark contrast in governance, security, and military capability. It sends a potent message: decentralized Somali regions like Puntland can, and will, defend their territory where the federal government has failed.
Regional players like the UAE and the U.S., both of whom quietly supported this operation with air surveillance and intel, are taking note. So should Mogadishu. As the Somali government continues to lose ground to terrorists in the south, Puntland’s battlefield dominance is not just a local triumph—it’s a rebuke of Somalia’s fragile security architecture.
The caliphate in Somalia didn’t fall with fanfare—it collapsed under the pressure of a region that refused to yield. Puntland now owns the victory. And ISIS-Somalia? It’s a name soon to be remembered only in past tense.
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Puntland Claims it Uncovered ISIS Treatment Sites, Business Links in Somaliland
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Puntland Forces Close in on ISIS Stronghold, Final Battle Nears
Puntland Forces Crush ISIS Strongholds in Togga Jaceel Offensive
Puntland Clerics Rally Support for Military Offensive Against ISIS in Al-Miskaat Mountains
Puntland Would be Happy to Host Gazan Refugees: Puntland Deputy Minister
In Puntland’s rugged mountains, ISIS builds a dangerous foothold
Senior ISIS Commander Captured in Puntland as U.S. Airstrikes Cripple Somalia’s Jihadist Network
Puntland Cracks Down on Illegal Foreign Nationals Amid Extremism Concerns
Landmine Explosion Kills 13 Puntland Soldiers in Counter-Terrorism Mission
Puntland Forces Strike Major Daesh Strongholds in Bari Region
Islamic State Claims Responsibility for Deadly Puntland Military Base Attack in Somalia
Puntland Deputy Speaker Survives ISIS Attack Amid Rising Threat
Puntland Forces Uncover Major Weapons Cache, Arrest Al-Shabaab and ISIS Suspects in Bosaso
Trump rejects Netanyahu’s war plan, pushes for nuclear talks with Tehran — as Israeli frustration boils.
In a dramatic Oval Office split, Trump shut down a joint Israeli-US strike on Iran’s nuclear sites, triggering outrage in Jerusalem. Is diplomacy a delay tactic—or disaster in the making?
President Donald Trump may have just triggered the biggest rift in US-Israel defense cooperation since the Obama years. According to a bombshell NYT report, Trump personally blocked a fully coordinated Israeli strike package on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure—just weeks before it was set to launch. Israel was prepped. US CENTCOM was involved. Commando units were shelved in favor of all-out bombing runs. But in the final hour, Trump torpedoed the plan and launched direct talks with Tehran instead.
Sources say Netanyahu was blindsided. The visit to Washington, publicly framed around tariffs, quickly turned sour when Trump dropped the bombshell: no military support while diplomacy is on the table. Inside the Oval Office, the tension was visible. Outside, it was electric. Israeli officials saw betrayal. Netanyahu wanted a Libya-style disarmament. Trump? He’s chasing a legacy—an Iran deal to rival Obama’s failed JCPOA.
Back home, Israeli defense analysts are livid. “This was the moment,” one senior IDF figure told WARYATV. “We had operational superiority, regional support, and Iranian air defense already degraded. Now we’re talking again?” Meanwhile, Iran is stalling with a smile. The next round of nuclear talks resumes Saturday in Oman. Tehran already knows the game: negotiate, delay, enrich. By the time diplomacy fails, the uranium is already spinning.
Trump’s team is divided. Vance and Witkoff want to avoid war. Rubio and Waltz say it’s now or never. Meanwhile, Israel may be forced to go solo—and they’re watching those B-2s parked in Diego Garcia very closely.
What’s clear? This isn’t just another missed opportunity. It’s a high-stakes gamble that could reshape the Middle East—for better or for catastrophe.
Chinese state media blasts Trump’s tariff war, accuses U.S. of freeloading on globalization while Xi strengthens Asian alliances.
China lashes out at Trump’s economic nationalism, accusing the U.S. of hypocrisy as global trade realigns. Rare earths, aircraft, and semiconductors are next in this economic war.
Beijing just turned up the heat—and made it personal.
China Daily, the official mouthpiece of the Chinese Communist Party, has delivered a scathing editorial aimed squarely at Donald Trump, telling him to “stop whining” and stop pretending the U.S. is a victim of global trade. “The U.S. is not getting ripped off by anybody,” it declared. “It has been taking a free ride on globalization for decades.”
The insult isn’t just rhetorical—it’s strategic. Trump’s aggressive tariff campaign, which now includes up to 145% duties on Chinese imports, has sparked the fiercest economic duel in decades. But China isn’t retreating. Instead, it’s choking U.S. exporters and fueling regional alliances that sideline Washington altogether.
Xi Jinping’s surprise regional tour, now overlapping with this tariff escalation, is no coincidence. Xi is quietly building what he calls a “strategic alliance of destiny” with Malaysia and ASEAN countries. Translation: Beijing is done playing by Trump’s rules. While the U.S. ratchets up tariffs and threatens new probes into semiconductors, pharma, and rare earths, China is reinforcing control of critical global supply chains.
The stakes? Massive. The Hong Kong postal service just banned packages to the U.S., Boeing deals are stalling, and Chinese firms are moving supply lines away from American manufacturers. Rare earth export bans are already shaking markets, and Beijing’s shadow diplomacy is redrawing global trade corridors.
Trump says, “The ball is in China’s court.” But Beijing just spiked it—with force.
Bottom line: This is not just a trade war. It’s a global economic realignment. And China’s message to the world? America’s time as the global economic sheriff is over—and it has only itself to blame.
Editor's Pick
After USAID Collapse, EU Can’t Fill the Void: Poor Nations Face a Humanitarian Blackout
As Trump freezes $40B in foreign aid, Europe retreats too—fragile states brace for famine, failed states, and forgotten crises.
With USAID frozen and EU aid budgets slashed, NGOs warn of a coming storm. Displaced millions, collapsing health systems, and donor silence mark the next phase of global humanitarian collapse.
What happens when the world’s biggest aid donors pack up and walk away? We’re about to find out.
The U.S. withdrawal from international aid under Trump’s second term has already gutted dozens of life-saving programs, slashing $40 billion in funding in 90 days and sending shockwaves through NGOs like the Danish Refugee Council (DRC). But Europe isn’t rushing in to fix the fallout—it’s retreating too.
EU countries from Germany to France, Italy and Spain are scaling down their aid commitments, with Berlin alone axing €2.6 billion in just two years. The UK, once a flagship donor, is forecast to sink to a record-low 0.23% of GNI on aid by 2027. Humanitarian funding is collapsing just as global displacement is projected to hit nearly 130 million by 2026.
The result? A growing vacuum of care in conflict zones, climate disaster areas, and fragile states—places like Afghanistan, Sudan, Cameroon, where water, food, and medicine are now disappearing overnight.
NGOs are bleeding out. The DRC alone has already laid off 1,400 staff and warned 2 million people will go unreached. In one stroke, internally displaced Afghans have lost access to clean water. Malnutrition efforts are collapsing. And minefields go uncleared in Colombia.
Even the EU’s much-hyped Global Gateway initiative—the answer to China’s Belt and Road—is too profit-driven to touch the most desperate places.
And while Western leaders posture about controlling migration, terrorism, and instability, they’re gutting the only tools that actually prevent it: resilience-building, gender rights, democracy support, and grassroots aid.
The U.S. is leading this charge backwards, and the EU is not far behind. What’s being left behind isn’t just budget lines—it’s millions of lives on the brink.
Ronen Bar plans to resign despite top court order to stay, as Netanyahu faces rising backlash over intelligence failures and Qatari backchannel scandal.
Shin Bet head Ronen Bar defies Supreme Court order and prepares to resign amid political firestorm and probe into Netanyahu aides’ Qatari ties. Israel’s intelligence chaos deepens.
In a bold defiance of Israel’s highest court, Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar is planning to walk away—court ruling or not.
Despite the Supreme Court’s injunction demanding he stay in office until April 20, Bar has reportedly told close allies he’s done. The controversy around his post, he argues, is doing real harm to the agency’s core mission: intelligence and national security. That’s why, according to Channel 12, Bar will soon submit his resignation in writing, stating when he intends to leave, whether the government likes it or not.
But this isn’t just about one man leaving his post.
This is a political firestorm with national security consequences. Prime Minister Netanyahu moved to fire Bar weeks ago, citing “confidence issues.” But critics say the move reeks of political self-preservation. Shin Bet is currently investigating Netanyahu’s own aides over potential illicit ties to Qatar during sensitive diplomatic dealings—raising the specter of conflict of interest and interference.
Observers believe Netanyahu is scapegoating Bar to deflect blame for the catastrophic intelligence failures that preceded October 7, 2023—the day Hamas launched its devastating assault. And with Bar resisting the optics of being the fall guy, Israel’s intelligence community is now caught in a dangerous limbo.
This is no longer just about an agency chief. This is about the integrity of Israel’s national security—and whether the rule of law still holds in a government spiraling toward crisis.
Editor's Pick
Somalia Declares War with Words: Recognizes SSC-Khaatumo, Sparks Sovereignty Showdown with Somaliland
Barre’s Las Anod visit escalates tensions as Mogadishu officially absorbs SSC-Khaatumo, redrawing the map and triggering a furious response from Hargeisa.
Somalia’s recognition of SSC-Khaatumo as a federal state ignites diplomatic warfare with Somaliland, which calls the move a blatant breach of sovereignty.
What Somalia just did in Las Anod is nothing short of a diplomatic land grab.
In a public ceremony staged in the heart of Somaliland-controlled Las Anod, Somali Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre formally recognized SSC-Khaatumo as a federal member administration—a political act that Somaliland’s leadership considers a declaration of war.
“This is not a contested area,” Barre proclaimed, erasing decades of self-governance and territorial control exercised by Hargeisa. But behind the polished rhetoric lies a strategic offensive to reassert Somali federal power in the north—one backed by foreign defense deals, oil ambitions, and electoral manipulation.
SSC-Khaatumo’s leader Firdhiye, once a marginal actor, is now being handed a seat at the high-stakes National Consultative Council (NCC)—Mogadishu’s premier political forum. His inclusion signals Somalia’s intent to institutionalize the partitioning of Somaliland from within.
Barre didn’t come empty-handed. He came with funding promises, construction blueprints, and federal flags—launching new buildings, police HQs, and ID centers. This isn’t development—it’s occupation by bureaucracy.
Somaliland responded with fury, calling the move a blatant violation of sovereignty. And they’re right to sound the alarm. Because if SSC-Khaatumo’s “recognition” is allowed to stand, then the map of Somaliland could be erased by decree—not by war.
But there’s a legal twist. Somalia’s own provisional constitution requires a structured vetting process, which SSC-Khaatumo has not completed. There’s been no parliamentary ratification, no public consultation, no legal framework—just political theatre in a city under dispute.
The timing is no accident. Recognition of Somaliland is gaining steam internationally. This move is Somalia’s desperate attempt to block it—and to insert chaos into Hargeisa’s clearest shot at statehood in 30 years.
Barre’s visit to Las Anod wasn’t just political—it was tactical. Now Somaliland must decide: respond diplomatically—or prepare for a deeper confrontation.
Outrage erupts after Somaliland’s MFA entertains Turkish diplomats and fumbles response to Somalia PM’s Las Anod invasion—citizens demand answers, not excuses.
The Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs is under fire after hosting Turkey’s ambassador and failing to deliver a clear response to Somalia’s Las Anod provocation. Public backlash explodes online.
What do you call a government that welcomes its enemy, excuses its occupier, and gaslights its own people? Somalilanders are asking just that.
After Somalia’s Prime Minister Hamse Barre walked unchallenged into Las Anod—deep in Somaliland territory—the Ministry of Foreign Affairs didn’t condemn it as an act of war. Instead, it hosted foreign diplomats for tea and soft words.
And the public? Exploded.
A statement from the ministry’s Director General, claiming to have briefed diplomats on Somaliland’s “position,” triggered a wave of public fury. Comments flooded in within minutes. The message wasn’t defiance—it was defeat dressed in diplomacy.
“Why are you dealing with NGOs instead of international legal experts?”
“This was not a visit—it was a violation of sovereignty!”
“Turkey is Somaliland’s number one enemy—why are you welcoming them in Hargeisa?”
The backlash is louder than ever. Somalilanders are done watching a weak MFA posture in the face of aggression. Many blasted the ministry’s engagement with Turkey, citing Ankara’s recent military agreements with Mogadishu, its support for drone strikes, and its outright refusal to acknowledge Somaliland passports.
It wasn’t just symbolic—the Turkish Ambassador to Somalia was received in Hargeisa. A man whose title literally erases Somaliland’s existence. Citizens are now calling for the closure of the Turkish consulate, the expulsion of Turkish officials, and a complete freeze in trade with Ankara.
Meanwhile, the ministry’s own credibility is in shambles. Earlier promises that the U.S. would stop Hamse’s trip? Never happened. Contradictory messaging and confusion over diplomatic status of ambassadors in Mogadishu? Still unresolved.
A senior Somaliland diplomat, writing on WARYATV, didn’t mince words:
“Turkey isn’t a neutral partner. It’s a declared enemy. Somaliland is being treated with disrespect, and this ministry is asleep.”
The people are angry, and the MFA is on trial—digitally, politically, and diplomatically. If Somaliland wants recognition, it needs more than polished statements. It needs courage, strategy, and unshakable clarity.
Because in the battle for sovereignty, words matter—and silence is betrayal.
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