Ethiopia’s groundbreaking school feeding program earns acclaim from the AU and UNICEF for significantly boosting educational quality and access, marking a vital step towards sustainable educational reforms in Africa.

The recent commendation of Ethiopia’s school feeding program by the African Union (AU) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) marks a significant milestone in the country’s educational and social development efforts. This initiative, praised for its substantial impact on enhancing the quality of education and increasing access across the nation, serves as a model of how targeted social programs can foster educational progress and societal stability.

Ethiopia’s approach integrates the provision of meals in schools with broader educational goals, aiming to tackle the direct link between nutritional status and learning capacity. By ensuring that students receive consistent and reliable nutrition, the program addresses one of the most fundamental barriers to school attendance—hunger. This is particularly crucial in Ethiopia, where economic challenges and food insecurity can deter school participation, especially among girls.

The school feeding program not only increases attendance rates but also enhances concentration and cognitive functions among students, thereby improving academic performance and reducing dropout rates. It establishes a nurturing environment conducive to learning, which is essential for the intellectual development of children.

Beyond educational outcomes, the program contributes to social stability by promoting regular school attendance, which keeps children engaged in productive activities and away from potential avenues leading to juvenile delinquency. Moreover, it supports local agriculture by sourcing food locally, thus stimulating the local economy and creating a market for local farmers. This not only aids in the sustainability of the program but also reinforces community involvement and development.

Despite its successes, the program faces challenges, such as logistical issues in rural and remote areas, variability in food quality, and the need for continuous funding. Addressing these challenges requires sustained commitment from both the national government and international partners, as well as innovative solutions to improve delivery mechanisms and the integration of health and education services.

The AU and UNICEF’s recognition of Ethiopia’s program highlights the potential for replicating this success in other African nations. The South-South cooperation model mentioned by UNICEF Regional Director Etleva Kadilli suggests a framework where countries can share knowledge and strategies, adapting the Ethiopian model to local contexts to enhance educational outcomes continent-wide.

Ethiopia’s school feeding program exemplifies how integrated educational and social policies can transform the learning landscape and foster broader societal benefits. As African countries continue to strive for quality education for all, Ethiopia’s example provides both inspiration and a blueprint for harnessing the power of school meals to catalyze educational and economic development. The upcoming African Day of School Feeding in Bangui will further spotlight the critical role of such programs in advancing continental educational goals.

Those previously deported by the US warn that President Trump’s plan to expel more Somali migrants may endanger lives.

Mukhtar Abdiwhab Ahmed, who lived in the US as a refugee, was deported back to Somalia in 2018 

Mukhtar Abdiwhab Ahmed sits in a plastic chair outside his house in Mogadishu. Nearby, children play, soldiers congregate, and rickshaws speed by under the scorching sun.

“If I knew I would end up here [in Somalia] I would have never gotten these tattoos,” the 39-year-old tells Al Jazeera, saying he has taken to mostly wearing long sleeves to avoid the negative comments and “dirty looks” he gets from people in the city.

Mukhtar spent most of his life in the United States but has struggled to readapt to conservative Somali society since being deported in 2018 under the first Donald Trump presidency.

Now, newly inaugurated for a second time in office, the Trump administration has once again announced removal orders for migrants he says are in the US “illegally”. This includes more than 4,000 Somalis who, like Mukhtar, face deportation to the country of their birth.

But lawyers, activists and Somalis who were deported from the US in previous years say the plan may put lives at risk as insecurity and instability still plague Somalia, readapting to a country many left as children is difficult, and work opportunities are scarce.

Meanwhile, Washington itself warns its own citizens about “crime, terrorism, civil unrest … kidnapping, [and] piracy” in the East African country, where attacks by the armed group al-Shabab are a common occurrence.

‘The wrong path’

Mukhtar and his family were among the first to flee Somalia after the collapse of the government in 1991. They left for neighbouring Kenya before Mukhtar and his older brother made it to the US as refugees.

The two settled in the south end of Seattle, Washington in 1995 – an area with high rates of poverty and youth violence, where Mukhtar says he fell into “crime, drugs and temptation”.

“At 16, I started getting into trouble,” he says. He skipped school, dabbled in crime, and was arrested and charged with a felony after stealing and crashing a relative’s car.

Though he tried to get his life on track, in 2005, he was charged with armed robbery. It was the then 19-year-old’s first time going through the system as an adult; he was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison.

Mukhtar was deported from the US after he was arrested and jailed for a crime 

The day his sentence ended, agents from US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) visited him in prison, and instead of releasing him, transferred Mukhtar to the Northwest Detention Center in Tacoma, Washington – one of the largest immigration detention centres in the US.

“It felt like serving two sentences for committing one crime, and when I reached the immigration jail, I felt like an animal being taken to the slaughterhouse,” he says.

A few months in, ICE agents brought him a document to sign, saying he would be deported to Somalia. As part of its Criminal Alien Program, ICE works to identify and remove jailed migrants they believe “threaten the safety” of the US.

Mukhtar says he knew he wouldn’t be deported as Somalia was at war. It was 2007 and during that time, US-backed Ethiopian troops were in the country battling splinter groups that rose from the ashes following the ouster of the Islamic Courts Union, and the subsequent rise of its youth military wing, al-Shabab.

Tired of being in prison, Mukhtar decided to sign the document. But after he was released by ICE, he says he “kept going down the wrong path”. When he was arrested for burglary in 2015, he expected to be released after completing his one-year sentence, but ICE showed up again and sent him back to Northwest Detention Center for 11 months.

“It was like history repeating itself once again,” he says.

He again thought ICE would not deport him to Somalia “because of the war and instability back home”. But in December 2017, he was among 92 Somalis put on a deportation flight manned by ICE agents that prompted an international outcry after the plane did not make it to its destination for logistical reasons and it emerged that the deportees were abused en route.

“We were abused on the deportation flight,” he says. “I recall there were about 20 guards, they roughed up a lot of us, including one guy who was tased. They really beat us and, mind you, the whole time we were in handcuffs and shackled by our waist and feet for like 40 hours.”

Upon returning to the US, they were taken to an immigration detention centre and most of the Somalis on his flight filed motions to reopen their immigration cases to fight deportation.

However, others like Mukhtar accepted deportation to Somalia – rather than risk a lengthy court process and further jail time.

“If I look at all the times I’ve been incarcerated my entire life, it adds up to eight years, nearly a decade, and I couldn’t bear to stay behind bars any longer,” he says.

Mukhtar, left, and fellow deportee from the US, Anwar Mohamed, try to readjust to life in Mogadishu

‘Too dangerous for ICE agents’

In March 2018, Mukhtar was one of 120 migrants on a deportation flight from the US – 40 Somalis, 40 Kenyans and 40 Sudanese, he says. The Kenyans were released upon the plane’s arrival in Nairobi, while the Sudanese and Somalis were placed on separate flights headed for Khartoum and Mogadishu, respectively.

“We were still handcuffed when we switched planes in Nairobi but the ICE agents didn’t continue the journey with us from Nairobi to Mogadishu,” Mukhtar says.

Other deportees sent back in past years also report ICE using a third party to complete the removal process to Somalia.

In 2005, Somali immigrant Keyse Jama was flown from Minneapolis to Nairobi by ICE, only for a private security firm to escort him to Somalia – at a time when most of the country was controlled by strongmen.

Anwar Mohamed, 36, who was deported a month after Mukhtar, says he landed in Nairobi before he and the other Somali passengers were placed on another flight to Mogadishu.

“When we asked the ICE agents why they weren’t going to escort us to Mogadishu, they responded by saying Somalia is too dangerous,” Anwar tells Al Jazeera.

“If Somalia is too dangerous for ICE agents to go, then why did the [US] government send us here?” he asks.

As of 2024, the US State Department has marked Somalia as a level 4 “Do Not Travel” country for US citizens, citing crime, terrorism and kidnapping, among other reasons. Al-Shabab and other groups opposed to the government continue to carry out armed attacks, including in places frequented by civilians.

While Somalia is deemed unsafe for US citizens, the Trump administration has marked 4,090 Somalis for deportation this year.

Residents gather near the scene of an explosion of a bomb-rigged car parked near the National Theatre in the Hamar Weyne district of Mogadishu in September 2024 [Feisal Omar/Reuters]

“The Trump administration is definitely endangering lives by deporting people to places like Somalia,” says Marc Prokosch, a senior lawyer at Prokosch Law, a firm in Minnesota that specialises in immigration cases.

“The balancing test for elected officials is whether it is worth it when considering our legal obligations [such the Convention Against Torture] and our moral and ethical obligations, compared to the obligations of protecting the safety and security of United States citizens,” he tells Al Jazeera, referring to the argument that migrants accused of violent offences should be deported for the safety of Americans.

Other immigration lawyers representing Somalis in the US have also voiced concerns, saying many of their clients are “terrified”, including exiled Somali journalists. One lawyer in Minnesota said in December that dozens of Somali asylum seekers have fled into neighbouring Canada over fears of an ICE clampdown.

Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch has cautioned that Temporary Protected Status – which protects foreign nationals from “unsafe” countries from deportation – may not be renewed for Somalis under the new Trump administration.

‘I saw the lifeless bodies of my friends’

Like Mukhtar, Anwar also fled Somalia during the civil war in the 1990s. His childhood memories of the country are bleak, he tells Al Jazeera, recounting one day that stands out in his mind.

“I was playing outside [in Mogadishu] with a couple friends, then we found an oval-shaped object on the ground. That’s when my mother called me in for Asr [afternoon Muslim] prayer,” Anwar recounts. “And then I heard a large explosion.

“Everyone from our neighbourhood came rushing outside, including me. I then saw the lifeless bodies of my three friends strewn on the dirt road … They died from the oval object they were playing with.

“Years later, when I matured, then did I only realise it was a grenade we were playing with and my mother’s call to prayer is what saved me,” he says.

Not long after that day, Anwar’s older brother was murdered by armed fighters. That was the last straw for his family, he says. His mother sent him to Kenya in 1997, before he and his older sister moved to the US as refugees.

But in the US, Anwar got involved in crime and violence, ultimately being jailed for 10 years for robbery in a state prison in Missouri.

Soon after he was released, he once again found himself in handcuffs – this time on a deportation flight to Somalia in April 2018.

Anwar fled Somalia for the US as a child, but was deported back there in 2018

Returning to Mogadishu after decades, he found himself in unfamiliar terrain.

“When I had the chains removed after arriving [in Mogadishu] is when it hit me: I was free but I really wasn’t free,” Anwar says, feeling like he was still imprisoned by his traumatic childhood memories.

Anwar started having flashbacks of past experiences in Somalia. To make matters worse, Mogadishu was still in a protracted state of conflict, and he felt death was a daily reality.

When he made his way to his father’s house to reconnect with relatives he hadn’t seen in more than 20 years, he saw his siblings shaking hands and laughing with armed soldiers sitting on top of a pick-up truck mounted with an anti-aircraft gun.

“As a child [in Somalia] during the civil war, these kinds of people [armed men] were feared,” he says, “but now many of them wear uniforms, have allegiances to the state and are tasked with security.

“The same thing [guns] my mother was shielding me from when she sent me away to the refugee camps in Kenya as a child have become a part of everyday life.”

‘Every road I take can lead to death’

In March 2018, when Mukhtar’s plane landed in Mogadishu, he also found a society he couldn’t understand and a language he knew little of.

“It felt like starting life from scratch all over again,” he says.

Many Somali deportees from the US don’t have family members to return to because they’ve either been killed in the continuing three-decade-long conflict or fled the country and never returned, Mukhtar says.

“When you don’t have no one to come home to or a place to go, it leaves many deportees vulnerable and might force some to resort to crime as a means of survival.”

“With every step you think you’re going to die,” Mukhtar says 

Upon returning to the city, Mukhtar saw tall apartment buildings, condominiums and paved roads in Mogadishu. It was different from the bullet-riddled buildings and bombed-out infrastructure he saw on television, he thought. But the realities of the war were around him in other ways, as he would soon find out.

“In Mogadishu, explosions are reality and can happen any moment … You can be walking down the street and an explosion can take your life. In this city, there aren’t warnings before bombings, only screams and cries that come after,” he says.

At first, Mukhtar settled in an old family home in the Waberi district – an upscale area home to government employees, security officials, diaspora returnees and locals working for international NGOs. But even areas that are deemed safe are not, he says.

One sweltering day, Mukhtar looked out of his window as a group of men played dominos, labourers trekked through a construction site, and young women sold tea outside.

“I was thinking of walking down the street to get cigarettes but I felt kind of lazy and decided to stay home,” Mukhtar says, “[then] I heard a very loud explosion.”

He later learned that the blast took place on the same road he always walked down.

“I could have died if I didn’t choose to stay home that day. I was lucky but you never know when you’ll meet the same fate as those caught up in that explosion,” he says.

“Every road I take can lead to death, and with every step, you think you’re going to die.”

‘No opportunities’

Added to the precarious security situation in Somalia is a lack of opportunities, deportees say.

Youth make up an estimated 70 percent of Somalia’s population, yet the country has a nearly 40 percent youth unemployment rate.

“There are no opportunities here and we don’t have a stable country,” says Mukhtar, who is unemployed. “If you’re a deportee, it’s much worse.”

Several deportees from the US now living in Mogadishu have joined the police or army 

Some deportees who speak both English and Somali have found work as interpreters, but most do not as they have lost their mother tongue in the years abroad.

Meanwhile, several have joined the police force or national army upon returning to Somalia.

“Many of these guys being deported from the US are coming to Somalia after serving 10 or 15-year prison terms,” Mukhtar says.  

When they join the police or army, “they get $200 a month as a salary”.

Mukhtar has, at times, contemplated joining the police or the army, but decided against it.

“When you’re wearing a uniform and carrying a gun, you don’t know who or when someone is going to take your life,” he says.

Aside from threats to their physical safety, the cultural chasm between deportees and their countrymen also weighs on them.

Mukhtar says stigma from members of the community is something he still faces, despite having been back for several years.

“The tattoos I got at a young age also came back to haunt me,” he adds, saying that tattooing is viewed as alien or taboo by many in the deeply conservative Somali Muslim society, and that he’s even been verbally abused at a mosque when he pulled up his sleeves to perform ablution before prayers.

‘The card I’ve been dealt’

Anwar has also faced stigma.

Anwar now drives a  rickshaw to make a living in Mogadishu 

“When I first came here, I stuck out,” he says, also mentioning his tattoos, which he has started to cover up.

“Everything from the way I walked to the way I spoke Somali. Everyone knew I wasn’t a local and when they found out I was deported from the US, they looked at me as if I was the guy who dropped the ball at the finish line.”

Being away in the US and far from Somali customs, culture and language all contributed to difficulties readjusting to life in Somalia.

“I didn’t adapt to this environment by choice. It was forced upon me, the day I arrived in chains,” he says.

He has even found himself stopped by intelligence officials and cross-questioned about where he’s from and what he’s doing here, he says.

“I asked myself how long is this going to go on,” he laments.

Still, he is determined to adjust to his new life.

“I changed my ways, got married and [now] drive a rickshaw to get by. I try my best, but the hostility from some members of my community … makes living in an already hostile environment even more hostile,” he says.

“But I don’t blame them for their ignorance,” Anwar adds. “This is the card I’ve been dealt and I have to make the best of it.”

The ongoing conflict between Puntland forces and Daesh in Somalia’s Bari region is creating a significant humanitarian and economic crisis. As the violence escalates, local frankincense farmers, who depend on the harvest for their livelihood, are finding themselves caught in the crossfire, leading to displacement and severe economic hardship.

Frankincense, a resin used for various purposes worldwide, is a vital source of income for the rural families in the Bari region. The conflict has disrupted this critical economic activity, leaving many farmers without any means to support their families. The inability to access farming areas due to safety concerns has led to a cessation of income for families like that of Fowsi Abdullahi Abdirahman, who depend solely on the cultivation of frankincense trees.

The situation has escalated into a humanitarian crisis as displaced families struggle to meet basic needs such as food and education. Many farmers, having lost their livestock to drought—another blow to their self-sufficiency—are unable to afford schooling for their children, pushing them into a cycle of poverty and illiteracy. The lack of accessible safe water further complicates the living conditions for these displaced communities, adding to the challenges of daily survival.

The local economy, heavily reliant on frankincense export, has taken a hit, affecting not just the farmers but also the broader community that benefits from the trade. As shops close and credit systems collapse under the economic strain, the community’s fabric is tested, forcing residents to rely heavily on communal support and shared resources to navigate these dire times.

Additionally, environmental challenges such as climate change exacerbate the difficulties faced by frankincense farmers. Extreme weather conditions stress the frankincense trees, affecting yields and, consequently, the financial stability of the farmers. This environmental impact hints at the need for long-term strategies to adapt and mitigate against such changes to sustain the livelihoods dependent on natural resources.

It is imperative for regional authorities and international aid organizations to intervene not only to provide immediate relief but also to formulate long-term strategies that address both the security concerns and the economic dependencies of the region’s inhabitants. Enhancing security measures to stabilize the region, combined with efforts to support and revitalize local economies, will be crucial in restoring normalcy and hope to the affected communities.

In conclusion, the plight of frankincense farmers in Somalia’s Bari region is a stark reminder of how conflict, coupled with environmental challenges, can devastate local economies and communities. Immediate and sustained efforts are necessary to address the multifaceted challenges faced by these communities to prevent further humanitarian deterioration and support a path to recovery and stability.

In response to the escalating challenges of drought, conflict, and climate change in Somaliland and Somalia, the UK has committed an additional $40 million, targeting emergency relief and long-term resilience.

The UK has stepped up its support, committing an additional $40 million in aid. This commitment raises the UK’s total aid contributions to these regions to over $106 million for the years 2024 and 2025, marking a substantial increase in efforts to mitigate the effects of drought, conflict, and climate-related crises.

The urgency of this support cannot be overstated. Both Somaliland and Somalia are grappling with the consequences of below-average rainy seasons, which have exacerbated their vulnerabilities and heightened the risk of famine and widespread displacement. The British Ambassador to Somaliland and Somalia, Mike Nithavrianakis, emphasized the UK’s dedication to addressing these urgent needs while also fostering long-term resilience in affected communities.

This new funding allocation is strategically divided among several key areas and organizations:

• $15.4 million is designated for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to provide emergency food, water, first aid, and healthcare, particularly in conflict-affected zones.
• $4.5 million will support the Somalia Humanitarian Fund (SHF), enhancing the capacity of local NGOs to deliver life-saving aid and strengthen community resilience against climate shocks.
• $5.1 million allocated to UNICEF focuses on enhancing healthcare and nutrition for women and children and includes funding for climate adaptation initiatives.
• The World Food Programme (WFP) receives $8 million to aid in food distribution to the most vulnerable groups.
• $4 million for the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helps provide shelter and essential services to displaced populations.
• $2.1 million is earmarked for climate resilience projects, such as developing early warning systems and improving disaster preparedness.
• The Caafimaad+ Project will benefit from $1.3 million to improve healthcare services across the regions.

This multifaceted approach not only addresses the immediate humanitarian needs but also invests in the infrastructure needed to cope with future environmental and socio-political challenges. By focusing on both relief and resilience, the UK’s aid strategy underscores a comprehensive understanding of the complexity of the crises in Somaliland and Somalia.

However, the situation on the ground remains precarious, with millions still at risk. The effectiveness of these initiatives will depend significantly on the coordination with local governments, international partners, and aid organizations to ensure that the aid reaches those most in need without delay. As the region continues to face instability, the international community’s role in supporting Somaliland and Somalia remains critical. The UK’s latest commitment is a promising step, but continued vigilance and support will be crucial to safeguarding the future of these vulnerable populations.

Somali President’s unheralded trip to Abu Dhabi sparks outrage and suspicion both domestically and internationally.

Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s unannounced trip to the United Arab Emirates has ignited a firestorm of controversy, casting a harsh spotlight on his increasingly precarious dance between diplomacy and desperation. This sudden visit, concealed from public scrutiny until the last moment, comes at a particularly volatile time—just days after his administration vocally criticized the UAE for its warm reception of Somaliland leader Abdirahman Irro at the World Government Summit in Dubai.

The timing of President Mohamud’s visit is as telling as it is turbulent. Recently, his administration has found itself grappling with significant financial woes, primarily due to the United States slashing aid—a move that ostensibly aims to recalibrate its foreign policy but leaves Somalia in a dire predicament. This cutback from a major ally has forced Mohamud into a corner, prompting him to seek alternative sources of support. His pivot to the UAE, therefore, is not just a diplomatic visit; it’s a desperate dash for funding, cloaked under the guise of strengthening security ties.

Yet, this is not merely a quest for economic bailouts. It’s a glaring exemplar of Mohamud’s unpredictable foreign policy maneuvers, which have repeatedly sown seeds of distrust among his people and the wider international community. Just last year, Mohamud vehemently opposed the memorandum of understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland, which was perceived as a direct threat to Somalia’s territorial claims. He paraded his disdain and resistance as a form of nationalistic pride, rallying his administration against perceived external betrayals.

Fast forward to the present, and the tone has dramatically shifted. The once fiery rhetoric against Ethiopia has cooled, and Mohamud is now seen cozying up to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. This abrupt pivot is a stark betrayal for many of his supporters who had backed his initial stance. It paints a picture of a leader whose alliances are as changeable as the tides, guided more by opportunism than by steadfast principles.

The implications of Mohamud’s political acrobatics are profound. On one hand, they reflect the acute vulnerability of a nation struggling to maintain sovereignty and stability amidst internal insurgencies and external pressures. On the other, they expose a leader willing to reverse his allegiances at the drop of a hat, undermining his reliability as a steadfast partner in the eyes of the global community.

This unreliability is compounded by Mohamud’s historical record of indecisiveness and flip-flopping, which does little to inspire confidence among international stakeholders. His current overtures to the UAE, therefore, might be viewed with skepticism—seen as not just a search for support but as a desperate attempt to salvage a sinking ship, using any means available, regardless of previous positions or the potential cost to national dignity.

As Somalia teeters on the brink of socio-political upheaval, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s secretive UAE trip underscores a broader narrative of desperation and duplicity. With each conflicting alliance and reversed decision, he not only jeopardizes his nation’s stability but also erodes the trust of his people and the international community. In a world where reliability and consistency are currencies of diplomatic credibility, Mohamud’s unpredictable policies could prove costly, isolating Somalia at a time when unity and clear direction are most needed.

As tensions rise, over 45,000 families flee Erigavo, seeking refuge from potential conflict despite government efforts to stabilize the region.

Somaliland is grappling with a rapidly escalating crisis in the Sanaag region, where minor clashes have sparked fear of a broader conflict, driving at least 45,000 families from their homes in Erigavo. Despite the Somaliland government’s efforts to launch a new peace initiative aimed at integrating clan militias into its formal security structure, the displacement underscores the fragility of the situation and the challenges of enforcing long-term stability.

The recent turmoil began with skirmishes between Somaliland forces and Khaatumo fighters, a situation that rapidly deteriorated as the fear of intensified fighting took hold among the local population. The government’s response has been to push forward a peace initiative, which involves the integration of SSB and G36 clan militias into the national armed forces. This move is seen as crucial to preventing future conflicts and stabilizing the region.

Somaliland Vice President Mohamed Ali Aw Abdi, speaking at a military ceremony in Erigavo, assured that the national forces have taken full control of security operations. “The national armed forces have taken control of the country’s defense,” he stated, emphasizing the government’s commitment to securing the area and restoring confidence among the residents.

However, the integration of clan militias into the national military has been met with skepticism. Many residents fear that these militias, deeply rooted in clan loyalties, may not fully align with the interests of the central government. This distrust exacerbates the tension, as civilians worry about the potential for these groups to act independently, prioritizing clan allegiance over national stability.

The humanitarian situation in Sanaag is dire, with displaced families facing a lack of access to essential services such as shelter, food, and medical care. The roads out of Erigavo are congested with those fleeing the uncertainty, and aid agencies are sounding alarms over the potential for a humanitarian crisis if stability is not swiftly and effectively restored.

In the midst of this upheaval, the government’s peace initiative, while a positive step, faces significant hurdles. Vice President Aw Abdi’s assurance that the peace platform is set and that reconciliation is underway does little to alleviate the immediate needs of thousands of displaced individuals. The effectiveness of this initiative remains to be seen as the government must not only manage the integration of armed militias but also address the urgent humanitarian needs and restore public trust.

This situation in Sanaag is a critical test for Somaliland’s leadership. The ability to transform promises of peace into tangible security measures will determine the future stability of the region. It also poses a broader question about the effectiveness of integrating armed militias into national forces as a strategy for achieving lasting peace in regions marred by clan-based loyalties and historical conflicts.

As Somaliland navigates these complex challenges, the international community and regional stakeholders will be closely watching. The outcome will not only affect the displaced families and the immediate security of Sanaag but also set a precedent for how similar conflicts are addressed in the Horn of Africa—a region where the balance between clan loyalty and national unity is often delicate and fraught with potential for unrest.

Abdinasir Abshir, a 33-year-old man from Lakeville, has entered a guilty plea to wire fraud charges related to his involvement in the $250 million Feeding Our Future fraud scheme. This development marks Abshir as the 37th defendant to plead guilty in a sprawling case that has shaken the foundations of the Federal Child Nutrition Program.

Court documents reveal that Abshir was instrumental in registering program sites at Stigma-Free Mankato and J’s Sambusa under the auspices of Feeding Our Future. Between November 2020 and November 2021, Abshir fraudulently claimed to serve meals to 3,000 children daily at J’s Sambusa in North Mankato—a figure grossly inflated given the town’s population of approximately 14,000.

The fraudulent operations reportedly distributed 1.6 million meals during the period, resulting in Stigma-Free Mankato receiving $5.4 million. In addition to the fraudulent gains, records show that Abshir facilitated kickbacks totaling $100,000 to Feeding Our Future employee Abdikerm Eidleh and paid $420,000 in administrative fees to the organization. He also contributed $5,750 to a GoFundMe account set up for Feeding Our Future by Aimee Bock.

Complicating Abshir’s legal troubles is an incident of witness tampering during the trial of co-defendants Aimee Bock and Salim Said. Abshir confronted government witness Sharmake Jama on February 18, shortly before Jama was scheduled to testify. This act of intimidation is expected to influence Abshir’s sentencing, underscoring the serious nature of his offenses.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office has indicated that the witness tampering will likely result in enhanced sentencing for Abshir, reflecting the gravity of his actions and their impact on the judicial process. This case continues to unravel as more details come to light, highlighting the extensive corruption that compromised a federal program designed to serve children in need.

The Ethiopian government has significantly ramped up its military presence along the Somalia border, stationing a large number of Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) near the border town of Feerfeer. This strategic move is in preparation for a major offensive targeting Al-Shabaab militants entrenched in the Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle regions of Somalia.

This military buildup comes on the heels of recent airstrikes executed by Ethiopian warplanes in the Middle Shabelle region. Although specific details on casualties or the extent of damage remain undisclosed, these airstrikes are a clear indication of Ethiopia’s escalating efforts to combat the Al-Shabaab threat.

In a significant development last month, Ethiopia and Somalia solidified their commitment to joint security operations by formalizing an agreement under the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM). The recent approval by Somali authorities for Ethiopia’s participation underscores a growing synergy between the two nations, aimed at dismantling the Al-Shabaab insurgence that has long destabilized the region.

As Ethiopian forces continue to fortify positions along the border, the exact timeline for the deployment of Ethiopian and other AUSSOM forces into Somalia has not yet been officially announced. However, Ethiopian troops have already been active within Somali borders, conducting operations aimed at restoring stability and security to the beleaguered nation.